Chapter XIX: Constantius, Gallus and Julian
Sorry for interruption of service last week; domestic commitments took priority as will sometimes happen. Anyway, this week's chapter can be found here and here.
1) Good quotes
Gibbon, typically open-minded and unbigoted, this time on the Persians (footnote 53): In every age the Persians have been addicted to intemperance, and the wines of Shiraz have triumphed over the law of Mahomet.
In another footnote (59), Gibbon attempts to make sense of the internal chronology of the events of the year 360 (I have introduced some line breaks to make the argument a bit clearer): Ammianus has marked the chronology of this year by three signs, which do not perfectly coincide with each other, or with the series of the history.
1. The corn was ripe when Sapor invaded Mesopotamia; “Cum jam stipulâ flavente turgerent;” a circumstance which, in the latitude of Aleppo, would naturally refer us to the month of April or May. See Harmer’s Observations on Scripture, vol. i. p. 41. Shaw’s Travels, p. 335, edit. 4to.
2. The progress of Sapor was checked by the overflowing of the Euphrates, which generally happens in July and August. Plin. Hist. Nat. v. 21. Viaggi di Pietro della Valle, tom. i. p. 696.
3. When Sapor had taken Amida, after a siege of seventy-three days, the autumn was far advanced. “Autumno præcipiti hædorumque improbo sidere exorto.”
To reconcile these apparent contradictions, we must allow for some delay in the Persian king, some inaccuracy in the historian, and some disorder in the seasons.
The Eastern command is given to the elderly and useless Sabinian, who fixed his indolent station under the walls of Edessa; and ... amused himself with the idle parade of military exercise, and moved to the sound of flutes in the Pyrrhic dance
How Julian nearly succeeded: The precarious and dependent situation of Julian displayed his virtues and concealed his defects. The young hero who supported, in Gaul, the throne of Constantius, was not permitted to reform the vices of the government; but he had courage to alleviate or to pity the distress of the people. Unless he had been able to revive the martial spirit of the Romans, or to introduce the arts of industry and refinement among their savage enemies, he could not entertain any rational hopes of securing the public tranquillity, either by the peace or conquest of Germany. Yet the victories of Julian suspended for a short time the inroads of the barbarians, and delayed the ruin of the Western Empire.
And finally closing thoughts on Julian and Paris through the centuries: His salutary influence restored the cities of Gaul, which had been so long exposed to the evils of civil discord, barbarian war, and domestic tyranny; and the spirit of industry was revived with the hopes of enjoyment. Agriculture, manufactures, and commerce again flourished under the protection of the laws; and the curiaea, or civil corporations, were again filled with useful and respectable members: the youth were no longer apprehensive of marriage; and married persons were no longer apprehensive of posterity: the public and private festivals were celebrated with customary pomp; and the frequent and secure intercourse of the provinces displayed the image of national prosperity. A mind like that of Julian must have felt the general happiness of which he was the author; but he viewed with peculiar satisfaction and complacency the city of Paris, the seat of his winter residence, and the object even of his partial affection. That splendid capital, which now embraces an ample territory on either side of the Seine, was originally confined to the small island in the midst of the river, from whence the inhabitants derived a supply of pure and salubrious water. The river bathed the foot of the walls; and the town was accessible only by two wooden bridges. A forest overspread the northern side of the Seine, but on the south; the ground which now bears the name of the University was insensibly covered with houses, and adorned with a palace and amphitheatre, baths, an aqueduct, and a field of Mars for the exercise of the Roman troops. The severity of the climate was tempered by the neighbourhood of the ocean; and with some precautions, which experience had taught, the vine and figtree were successfully cultivated. But in remarkable winters the Seine was deeply frozen; and the huge pieces of ice that floated down the stream might be compared, by an Asiatic, to the blocks of white marble which were extracted from the quarries of Phrygia. The licentiousness and corruption of Antioch recalled to the memory of Julian the severe and simple manners of his beloved Lutetia, where the amusements of the theatre were unknown or despised. He indignantly contrasted the effeminate Syrians with the brave and honest simplicity of the Gauls, and almost forgave the intemperance which was the only stain of the Celtic character. If Julian could now revisit the capital of France, he might converse with men of science and genius, capable of understanding and of instructing a disciple of the Greeks; he might excuse the lively and graceful follies of a nation whose martial spirit has never been enervated by the indulgence of luxury; and he must applaud the perfection of. that inestimable art which softens and refines and embellishes the intercourse of social life.
In Gibbon's day the baths were still visible but the amphitheatre had not yet been rediscovered.
2) Summary
Another excellent narrative chapter. Constantius II, having become sole emperor, is faced with the problem of how to handle his cousins Gallus and Julian, who have been brought up essentially in prison to prevent them being a threat. Eventually Gallus is old enough to be made Caesar of the East; he screws up massively and is executed. Julian, six years younger, is in due course made Caesar of the West, and does much better both in terms of fighting off the Germans and in terms of domestic governance. In the meantime the Persians have woken up under Sapor and attempt to conquer Mesopotamia but make only modest gains. A wide geographic spread with action in today's Iraq, Hungary and Belgium (and surrounding territories) which would make a good mini-series on its own.
3) Matters arising
i) Julian's role in slowing the decline
I guess we will hear more of Julian in the next chapter (literally all I knew about him before reading this one was his nickname). But his performance, or Gibbon's account of his performance, is crucial evidence for Gibbon's central argument that the Roman empire was doomed to moral decline; Julian's two particular failures identified here are that he failed "to revive the martial spirit of the Romans, or to introduce the arts of industry and refinement among their savage enemies". This isn't really fair. By Gibbon's own account, Julian revived the Romans' martial spirit sufficiently to cross the Rhine three times in military campaigns, and presumably once the Germans were defeated some of them at least must have settled down to the arts of industry and refinement, whether in their own territory or after settling inside the empire. Gibbon is great at assembling evidence but doesn't always like to admit where it is pointing.
ii) hereditary succession
Back in Chapter VII, Gibbon was bemoaning the lack of stability in succession in the Empire of a hundred years earlier due to the lack of a hereditary principles among the rulers. One would have thought he might comment more broadly on the implications for this theory of the fact that Julian is actually the third generation of a ruling family, especially since he is rather better evidence for the benefits of heredity than most of the earlier examples. Maybe Gibbon will do so in the next chapter. (Looking ahead, I see that Julian is actually the last of the dynasty.)
iii) geography
I was glad to see my adopted homeland figuring so much in this chapter (under the designation of 'Toxandria', which seems to be more or less equivalent to the later medieval duchy of Brabant), and particularly reference to Tongres, now Tongeren, where there is a super and recently renovated Gallo-Roman Museum. But in general Gibbon seems on firmer footing here than usual, with fairly detailed mention of Buda, etc, in Hungary, and the Mesopotamian story that ends up in Tikrit, the future hometown of Saddam Husseim.
4) Coming Next
The conversion of Constantine and the establishment of Christianity. Read it here or here.
1) Good quotes
Gibbon, typically open-minded and unbigoted, this time on the Persians (footnote 53): In every age the Persians have been addicted to intemperance, and the wines of Shiraz have triumphed over the law of Mahomet.
In another footnote (59), Gibbon attempts to make sense of the internal chronology of the events of the year 360 (I have introduced some line breaks to make the argument a bit clearer): Ammianus has marked the chronology of this year by three signs, which do not perfectly coincide with each other, or with the series of the history.
1. The corn was ripe when Sapor invaded Mesopotamia; “Cum jam stipulâ flavente turgerent;” a circumstance which, in the latitude of Aleppo, would naturally refer us to the month of April or May. See Harmer’s Observations on Scripture, vol. i. p. 41. Shaw’s Travels, p. 335, edit. 4to.
2. The progress of Sapor was checked by the overflowing of the Euphrates, which generally happens in July and August. Plin. Hist. Nat. v. 21. Viaggi di Pietro della Valle, tom. i. p. 696.
3. When Sapor had taken Amida, after a siege of seventy-three days, the autumn was far advanced. “Autumno præcipiti hædorumque improbo sidere exorto.”
To reconcile these apparent contradictions, we must allow for some delay in the Persian king, some inaccuracy in the historian, and some disorder in the seasons.
The Eastern command is given to the elderly and useless Sabinian, who fixed his indolent station under the walls of Edessa; and ... amused himself with the idle parade of military exercise, and moved to the sound of flutes in the Pyrrhic dance
How Julian nearly succeeded: The precarious and dependent situation of Julian displayed his virtues and concealed his defects. The young hero who supported, in Gaul, the throne of Constantius, was not permitted to reform the vices of the government; but he had courage to alleviate or to pity the distress of the people. Unless he had been able to revive the martial spirit of the Romans, or to introduce the arts of industry and refinement among their savage enemies, he could not entertain any rational hopes of securing the public tranquillity, either by the peace or conquest of Germany. Yet the victories of Julian suspended for a short time the inroads of the barbarians, and delayed the ruin of the Western Empire.
And finally closing thoughts on Julian and Paris through the centuries: His salutary influence restored the cities of Gaul, which had been so long exposed to the evils of civil discord, barbarian war, and domestic tyranny; and the spirit of industry was revived with the hopes of enjoyment. Agriculture, manufactures, and commerce again flourished under the protection of the laws; and the curiaea, or civil corporations, were again filled with useful and respectable members: the youth were no longer apprehensive of marriage; and married persons were no longer apprehensive of posterity: the public and private festivals were celebrated with customary pomp; and the frequent and secure intercourse of the provinces displayed the image of national prosperity. A mind like that of Julian must have felt the general happiness of which he was the author; but he viewed with peculiar satisfaction and complacency the city of Paris, the seat of his winter residence, and the object even of his partial affection. That splendid capital, which now embraces an ample territory on either side of the Seine, was originally confined to the small island in the midst of the river, from whence the inhabitants derived a supply of pure and salubrious water. The river bathed the foot of the walls; and the town was accessible only by two wooden bridges. A forest overspread the northern side of the Seine, but on the south; the ground which now bears the name of the University was insensibly covered with houses, and adorned with a palace and amphitheatre, baths, an aqueduct, and a field of Mars for the exercise of the Roman troops. The severity of the climate was tempered by the neighbourhood of the ocean; and with some precautions, which experience had taught, the vine and figtree were successfully cultivated. But in remarkable winters the Seine was deeply frozen; and the huge pieces of ice that floated down the stream might be compared, by an Asiatic, to the blocks of white marble which were extracted from the quarries of Phrygia. The licentiousness and corruption of Antioch recalled to the memory of Julian the severe and simple manners of his beloved Lutetia, where the amusements of the theatre were unknown or despised. He indignantly contrasted the effeminate Syrians with the brave and honest simplicity of the Gauls, and almost forgave the intemperance which was the only stain of the Celtic character. If Julian could now revisit the capital of France, he might converse with men of science and genius, capable of understanding and of instructing a disciple of the Greeks; he might excuse the lively and graceful follies of a nation whose martial spirit has never been enervated by the indulgence of luxury; and he must applaud the perfection of. that inestimable art which softens and refines and embellishes the intercourse of social life.
In Gibbon's day the baths were still visible but the amphitheatre had not yet been rediscovered.
2) Summary
Another excellent narrative chapter. Constantius II, having become sole emperor, is faced with the problem of how to handle his cousins Gallus and Julian, who have been brought up essentially in prison to prevent them being a threat. Eventually Gallus is old enough to be made Caesar of the East; he screws up massively and is executed. Julian, six years younger, is in due course made Caesar of the West, and does much better both in terms of fighting off the Germans and in terms of domestic governance. In the meantime the Persians have woken up under Sapor and attempt to conquer Mesopotamia but make only modest gains. A wide geographic spread with action in today's Iraq, Hungary and Belgium (and surrounding territories) which would make a good mini-series on its own.
3) Matters arising
i) Julian's role in slowing the decline
I guess we will hear more of Julian in the next chapter (literally all I knew about him before reading this one was his nickname). But his performance, or Gibbon's account of his performance, is crucial evidence for Gibbon's central argument that the Roman empire was doomed to moral decline; Julian's two particular failures identified here are that he failed "to revive the martial spirit of the Romans, or to introduce the arts of industry and refinement among their savage enemies". This isn't really fair. By Gibbon's own account, Julian revived the Romans' martial spirit sufficiently to cross the Rhine three times in military campaigns, and presumably once the Germans were defeated some of them at least must have settled down to the arts of industry and refinement, whether in their own territory or after settling inside the empire. Gibbon is great at assembling evidence but doesn't always like to admit where it is pointing.
ii) hereditary succession
Back in Chapter VII, Gibbon was bemoaning the lack of stability in succession in the Empire of a hundred years earlier due to the lack of a hereditary principles among the rulers. One would have thought he might comment more broadly on the implications for this theory of the fact that Julian is actually the third generation of a ruling family, especially since he is rather better evidence for the benefits of heredity than most of the earlier examples. Maybe Gibbon will do so in the next chapter. (Looking ahead, I see that Julian is actually the last of the dynasty.)
iii) geography
I was glad to see my adopted homeland figuring so much in this chapter (under the designation of 'Toxandria', which seems to be more or less equivalent to the later medieval duchy of Brabant), and particularly reference to Tongres, now Tongeren, where there is a super and recently renovated Gallo-Roman Museum. But in general Gibbon seems on firmer footing here than usual, with fairly detailed mention of Buda, etc, in Hungary, and the Mesopotamian story that ends up in Tikrit, the future hometown of Saddam Husseim.
4) Coming Next
The conversion of Constantine and the establishment of Christianity. Read it here or here.