Дезинфекция

[tijd]

Американскую поговорку “sunlight is the best disinfectant“ приписывают Луи Брэндайсу. В оригинале Брэндайс писал про борьбу с банковскими монополиями: “Publicity is justly commended as a remedy for social and industrial diseases. Sunlight is said to be the best of disinfectants; electric light the most efficient policeman.”
http://louisville.edu/law/library/special-collections/the-louis-d.-brandeis-collection/other-peoples-money-chapter-v

Но фразу применяют и в других контекстах, когда эффективным средством борьбы с нежелательным явлением становится выведение его на чистый свет.

“Sunlight is said to be the best of disinfectants”

- Louis Brandeis paraphrasing James Bryce’s 1888 book, The American Commonwealth.https://t.co/Q2sUTmgehO pic.twitter.com/qYghzJoARw
- Lance A. Scott (@LanceAScott) April 4, 2019

Помимо многих других достижений Брэндайса, сына еврейских иммигрантов в Верховном Суде, он вошёл в историю своей бескомпромиссной защитой свободы слова.

“Those who won our independence believed that the final end of the State was to make men free to develop their faculties, and that, in its government, the deliberative forces should prevail over the arbitrary. They valued liberty both as an end, and as a means. They believed liberty to be the secret of happiness, and courage to be the secret of liberty. They believed that freedom to think as you will and to speak as you think are means indispensable to the discovery and spread of political truth; that, without free speech and assembly, discussion would be futile; that, with them, discussion affords ordinarily adequate protection against the dissemination of noxious doctrine; that the greatest menace to freedom is an inert people; that public discussion is a political duty, and that this should be a fundamental principle of the American government. They recognized the risks to which all human institutions are subject. But they knew that order cannot be secured merely through fear of punishment for its infraction; that it is hazardous to discourage thought, hope and imagination; that fear breeds repression; that repression breeds hate; that hate menaces stable government; that the path of safety lies in the opportunity to discuss freely supposed grievances and proposed remedies, and that the fitting remedy for evil counsels is good ones. Believing in the power of reason as applied through public discussion, they eschewed silence coerced by law -- the argument of force in its worst form. Recognizing the occasional tyrannies of governing majorities, they amended the Constitution so that free speech and assembly should be guaranteed. Fear of serious injury cannot alone justify suppression of free speech and assembly. Men feared witches and burnt women. It is the function of speech to free men from the bondage of irrational fears. To justify suppression of free speech, there must be reasonable ground to fear that serious evil will result if free speech is practiced. There must be reasonable ground to believe that the danger apprehended is imminent. There must be reasonable ground to believe that the evil to be prevented is a serious one.“
http://www.columbia.edu/itc/journalism/j6075/edit/readings/brandeis_concurring1.html

Но на практике с применением бескомпромиссной свободы слова дело обстояло сложнее.



Правые экстремисты, которые возбудились маккартизмом и борьбой с коммунистическим заговором в 1950ые, поначалу не имели четкой привязанности к определенной политической партии. Члены John Bird Society считали Эйзенхауэра тайным коммунистом и без излишнего энтузиазма отнеслись к кандидатуре Никсона на выборах 1960. С одной стороны, Никсон зарекомендовал себя в борьбе с коммунистической заразой, разоблачив Алгера Хисса. С другой стороны, он служил вице-президентом у Эйзенхауэра, встречался с Хрущевым на «кухонных дебатах» и был раскритикован Кеннеди за отставание со Спутникрм и баллистическими ракетами.

Но провал в 1961 спецоперации о вторжении на Кубу (Bay of Pigs Invasion), которую Кеннеди унаследовал от Эйзенхауэра, и либеральные реформы внутри страны развернули JBS против Кеннеди и его администрации. Движение стремительно разрасталось, привлекая как фанатиков, так и шарлатанов. Австралийский доктор Фред Шварц стал попутчиком, организовав Christian Anti-Communism Crusade (CACC), и привлёк к этому делу  Клеона Скоусена из Юты и звёзд Голливуда во главе с Рональдом Рейганом.

Schwarz held a "Southern California School of Anti-Communism" that filled the 16,000-capacity Los Angeles Memorial Sports Arena from 28 August to 1 September 1961. The opening night's most popular speaker was Ronald Reagan. According to Morrie Ryskind, writing at the time in The Los Angeles Times, "The evening sessions, featuring nationally known speakers, were televised, and those who should know tell me that some three million people listened in nightly. At any rate, I can honestly say that in my 25 years in Los Angeles I have never known a local event that so completely captured the enthusiasm of the city." A subsequent event, the three-hour "Hollywood's Answer to Communism" held at the Hollywood Bowl on 16 October 1961, featured a list of celebrities (Roy Rogers, John Wayne, James Stewart) and Senator Thomas J. Dodd of Connecticut. Columnist John Crosby described it as "a monster three-hour concentration of pure venom on television... in which the patriots suggested again and against that the United States was largely peopled by traitors."
https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fred_Schwarz

В ФБР к деятельности шарлатанов относились настороженно.

In October 1961 Skousen participated as a speaker in an “anti-communism school” in New Orleans under the auspices of the Christian Anti-Communism Crusade. Ed Palmer, a local television station (WDSU-TV) commentator contacted the Bureau concerning “a number of startling and unbelievable charges” made by Skousen during his speech. One of Skousen’s assertions was that “Harry Hopkins in 1943 had turned over to the Russians 50 suitcases of information concerning the Manhattan Project.” Palmer asked for confirmation that Skousen actually had been an FBI Special Agent. A Bureau memo discussing this controversy states “Apparently Skousen, Schwarz, et al are becoming more and more irresponsible and have apparently succumbed to the philosophy that the ends justify the means.”
https://sites.google.com/site/ernie124102/skousen



Кеннеди сознавал политическую угрозу. Выступая в Калифорнии через неделю после телешабаша «Голливудский ответ коммунизму», он говорил об опасности экстремистских конспирологов, прямо не называя их имён и организаций.

“In the most critical periods of our nation's history, there have always been those fringes of our society who have sought to escape their own responsibility by finding a simple solution, an appealing slogan, or a convenient scapegoat. Financial crises could be explained by the presence of too many immigrants or too few greenbacks.
War could be attributed to munitions makers or international bankers. Peace conferences failed because we were duped by the British or tricked by the French or deceived by the Russians.
It was not the presence of Soviet troops in Eastern Europe that drove it to communism, it was the sell-out at Yalta. It was not a civil war that removed China from the free world, it was treason in high places. At times these fanatics have achieved a temporary success among those who lack the will or the vision to face unpleasant tasks or unsolved problems.
But in time the basic good sense and stability of the great American consensus has always prevailed.
Now we are face to face once again with a period of heightened peril. The risks are great, the burdens heavy, the problems incapable of swift or lasting solution. And under the strains and frustrations imposed by constant tension and harassment, the discordant voices of extremism are heard once again in the land. Men who are unwilling to face up to the danger from without are convinced that the real danger comes from within.
They look suspiciously at their neighbours and their leaders. They call for a 'man on horseback' because they do not trust the people. They find treason in our finest churches, in our highest court, and even in the treatment of our water. They equate the Democratic Party with the welfare state, the welfare state with socialism, and socialism with communism. They object quite rightly to politics' intruding on the military - but they are anxious for the military to engage in politics.“
https://sites.google.com/site/presidentialspeechrepository/home/john-f-kennedy/conspiracy-theories

Через неделю после этого выступления Кеннеди лично увидится с полковником ГРУ Георгием Большаковым, который служил тайным каналом связи с Хрущевым. Большаков передавал послания Хрущева в личных встречах с генеральным прокурором Бобби Кеннеди. Кеннеди и Хрущев таким образом пытались сохранить лицо, разряжая напряженность между США и СССР взаимными шагами навстречу. Подход был наивным, потому что делал братьев Кеннеди объектами чекистской манипуляции, но помогал во внутренней политике. Тайный заговор таким образом имел место, но немного не тот, о котором трындели берчеры.

1961’s NATIONAL REVIEW (founded 1955) has a circulation of 54K. It put out 26 issues in 1961, $0.40/issue, meaning $10.40/year at cover price. Multiplying circulation by cover price gets you $561,600 in 1961 dollars (a bit under $4.9 million in 2019 dollars).
- David Hines (@hradzka) March 27, 2020

Речь Кеннеди о горе-конспирологах требует некоторой расшифровки.

1. Выражение “man on horseback” относилось к мечтам о твёрдой руке. В октябре 1961 его использовал Тед Дили, редактор газеты из Далласа, на званном ужине в Белом доме.

The entire room stares at Dealey, whose shoulders are hunched as he cradles a batch of papers he has pulled out of his suit jacket. Kennedy has a slight smile of amusement playing across his face as he regards the old man confronting him. Dealey holds a nine-page, 500-word statement he has written out that very morning on hotel stationery from the Statler Hilton in Washington. He begins reciting in a loud voice:
"The general opinion of the grassroots thinking in this country is that you and your administration are weak sisters. Particularly this is true in Texas right now.
"We need a man on horseback to lead this nation - and many people in Texas and the Southwest think that you are riding Caroline's tricycle."
Dealey pauses and looks around the room.
The other publishers are horrified, the blood draining from their faces. He looks at Kennedy. The president's smile has disappeared, and his face, it appears, is turning red.
Dealey keeps reading:
"The American people are aroused, and rightly so ... We should lead from strength, not from weakness ... We can annihilate Russia and should make that clear to the Soviet government. This means undoubtedly that they can simultaneously destroy us. But it is better to die than submit to communism and slavery."
Dealey rages on, and the room is as silent as stone.
"We want desperately to follow the administration as long as the administration displays courage, but we will not follow its policies like a bunch of driven sheep if it gives in to Russia one iota. The American people are sick and tired of being bluffed, of negotiations when there is nothing to negotiate.
"These state meetings with the press should not be social meetings. You cannot proselyte the newspapers of America and win them to your side by soft soap ...
"We are not morons to be led around the nose by an invested bureaucracy."
Dealey finishes and leans back in deep satisfaction as the luncheon erupts.
Several people begin speaking at once. Some of the publishers rise to their feet and yell: "No, no."
Others begin shouting at, apologizing to, Kennedy: "We don't agree, he's not speaking for us."
One livid publisher lights directly into Dealey: "Ted, you're leading the worst fascist movement in the Southwest and you don't realize that nobody else is with you."
Another publisher is waving his arms, trying desperately to calm everyone down while his admonitions are lost in the din: "This is the dining room of the President of the United States!"
Finally, Dealey's voice rises above the commotion. He is turning back to Kennedy. The room, just as suddenly, is quiet again. Several of the publishers crane their necks, trying to get a good look at Dealey, trying to hear what he will say next.
"My remarks were not meant to be personal in nature," Dealey murmurs. "They are a reflection of public opinion in Texas as I understand it."
https://www.dallasobserver.com/news/how-the-morning-news-helped-dallas-become-the-city-of-hate-6430851

Click to view

2. Выражение “treatment of our water“ относилось к программе фторирования воды, в которой берчеры подозревали тайный коммунистический заговор.

Их наследники вроде Алекса Джонса продолжают это дело и сегодня.

Jones told his audience that Trump takes his cues from InfoWars, claiming that Trump molded his position on issues such as the resettlement of Syrian refugees, the Federal Reserve and the Bush administration’s handling of the September 11 terrorist attacks based on feedback from him and others.
Trump, Jones said, is “riding a wave” of anti-government anger “and no amount of armored vehicles, no amount of propaganda, no amount of fluoride in the water, no amount of the brainwashing of the children in public schools is going to reverse this sentiment that’s only going to intensify.”
https://www.rightwingwatch.org/post/alex-jones-no-amount-of-fluoride-in-the-water-can-stop-donald-trump/

Kent and Phoebe Courtney, a pair of Louisiana ultraconservatives who ran the Conservative Society of America (CSA, get it?), saw no difference between the New Deal and state socialism. pic.twitter.com/DjFyxPK6lV
- John S. Huntington (@johnshuntington) September 30, 2019

3. “They equate the Democratic Party with the welfare state, the welfare state with socialism, and socialism with communism.”

Эта фраза, также актуальная сегодня, отражает параноидальность ультраправой идеологии, которая рассматривает любое отклонение влево или в сторону усиления государственных программ в качестве свидетельства всемирного заговора на пути к Гулагам.

Подобные настроения в начале 1960ых целенаправленно усиливали радио-проповедники вроде члена JBS из Оклахомы, пастора по имени Билли Джеймс Харгис. Они успешно смешивали антикоммунизм с христианством и представляли все вопросы в виде бинарного выбора: либо ты с Христом, либо с Марксом. Что как бы перефразировало Геббельса: "Der Kampf, den wir heute ausfechten bis zum Sieg oder bis zum bitteren Ende, ist im tiefsten Sinne ein Kampf zwischen Christus und Marx".

Пользуясь статусом освобождённой от налогов организации, Харгис построил разветвленную медиа-империю, которая охватывала многомиллионную аудиторию.

Shortly after World War II, Billy James Hargis came barreling down from the Arkansas hills-all 6 foot 6 inches and 280 pounds of him-to a small church in Sapulpa, where he set up shop as a conventional “bawl and jump” preacher ordained by the Disciples of Christ. There have always been fundamentalists, for sure, but before Hargis, they mostly squawked about the end of the world and the need to repent. But if James Brown was the godfather of soul, Hargis was the godfather of fundamentalism as a political movement.
In 1948, spurred on by a traveling preacher who gave him a pamphlet that showed a connection between communism and the NAACP, young Billy James had an epiphany: Protestant churches were being infiltrated by communists! The National Council of Churches (of which the Disciples of Christ was a member) was a Marxist organization! Liberals had kicked God out of the USA!
It was then that this 23-year-old preacher “stepped out in faith for the harder service as a crusader.” The “harder service” was his political crusade to rid America of communism and return the nation to its Christian foundations. He came to national attention in 1953 with his “Bible Balloon Project,” a stunt that involved tying Bible quotations to helium balloons and floating them from West Germany to the Eastern Bloc.
By 1966, Hargis had established himself in a Tulsa that was at the vanguard of evangelical broadcasting. Like Oral Roberts and T.L. Osborn, Hargis had a media empire that reached hundreds of TV and radio stations. He published books, recorded LPs of his sermons, and claimed hundreds of thousands of readers through his Christian Crusade newsletter. But unlike Oral, Hargis had a political agenda. He red-baited some of his colleagues in the Disciples of Christ, and the church withdrew his ordination.The IRS ruled that the Hargis’s Christian Crusade organization had definitively crossed the line from religion to politics and took away its tax-exempt status. Hargis smelled a rat: The entire federal government had been infiltrated by communist stooges.
If Oral Roberts never quite achieved the respectability of Billy Graham, Billy Hargis never quite achieved the respectability of Oral Roberts. Mainstream newspapers liked to describe him as looking like a truck driver. There were several references to his “porcine” appearance. He never quite shook his twang, and he frequently mispronounced and misspelled words. He had spent a couple of years at Ozark Bible College in Bentonville, but never completed a formal education. Hargis bordered on self-parody, his jowls shaking and his voice quivering as he denounced the communist and libertine agenda of rock music: “When the Beatles thrust their hips forwards while holding their guitars and shout, ‘Oh Yeah!!!’ who cannot know what they really mean!”
https://thislandpress.com/2012/11/30/backwards-christian-soldier/

Харгис и ему подобные проповедники были особенно популярны на Юге. Антикоммунистическо-христианские проповеди не сразу укладывались в политическое противостояние демократов и республиканцев, но вносили свою лепту в подготовку почвы для успеха «Южной стратегии» Никсона и культурной контрреволюции конца 1970ых.

He spoke to a largely rural audience -- "lonely patriots," he called them -- who saw communist conspiracies in government, the media and popular culture. He argued for the return of prayer and Bible reading to public school. He wrote several books, among them "Communist America -- Must It Be?" (1960), and recorded "Songs and Sayings of Billy James Hargis." He sold them at his conferences.
In his speeches, he was insistent on action. "Write your congressman and your senator," he told one assembly in 1962. "Don't ask them to outlaw the Communist Party. Demand that they outlaw the Communist Party in the U.S.A. Don't ask them to reconsider our affiliation with the United Nations. Demand that they get this country out of the United Nations to reorganize the United Nations against godless anti-Christ communism. You are not working for them. You have nothing to fear. They represent you, and you should make your wishes known."
https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/local/2004/11/30/evangelist-billy-james-hargis-dies/270e7ba6-cc6e-49c0-8016-18f5fe170a1f/



Технология массовой рассылки почты, которая впоследствии помогла создать и укрепить коалицию “ New Right”, была изначально отточена именно в империи Харгиса.

There were yahoos before the Internet. Like the Reverend Billy James Hargis, the most colorful religious-right crusader of the 1950s and 1960s. Hargis and his Christian Crusade battled immorality, Communists, homosexuals, the Beatles, liberals, journalists, and the National Council of Churches. Before Hargis lost his empire in 1976 in a highly publicized sex scandal, the beefy, belligerent, and highly skilled orator had created his own multimedia propaganda mill, peddling his hate and resentment through radio, TV, record albums, pamphlets, newspapers, barnstorming musical tours, and trips around the world.
Aside from his faithful, who regularly sent him money, most people removed from his Ozarks base made fun of him as a perfervid hick. But Hargis was a great promoter, aided by a young marketing wizard named Richard Viguerie, an early enthusiast of computerized databases. Viguerie devised mass mailings for Hargis, attacking commies and liberals. The two of them built up a large list of donors and potential donors, establishing a technique the far right continues to perfect and ensuring a steady flow of money and publicity.
Viguerie, driven by ideology and marketing, went on to create fund-raising appeals for gun lobbies, antiunion movements-a host of right-wing candidates and causes from George Wallace to Orrin Hatch to Rudy Giuliani.
Owing its existence to a keen sense of digital advantages, and backed by wealthy conservatives, the movement Viguerie helped start was poised to seize the next great technology: interactive satellite TV. In the early 1990s, brewing heir Joe Coors threw his financial support behind National Empowerment Television, an ambitious attempt to create a virtual community of far-flung activists. Small groups of people would gather around the country to watch a satellite feed of conservative leaders talking with other right-wingers in the studio and by phone.
https://www.villagevoice.com/2000/05/09/left-behind/

The author of this book went on to produce textbooks on many subjects used by evangelical homeschoolers, was an influence on Michelle Bachmann, and co-authored works with Tim LaHaye of "Left Behind" fame. pic.twitter.com/V3lIKB0fAz
- Seth Cotlar (@SethCotlar) May 28, 2020

4. Слова Кеннеди “they are anxious for the military to engage in politics“ могли относиться к одному из самых примечательных берчеров - генерал-майору Уолкеру. Командуя дивизией в Германии, Эдвин "Тэд" Уолкер распространял агитационные материалы JBS среди солдат. В конце концов его выжали из армии - Уолкер ушёл в отставку, хлопнув дверью, но на этом его политическая активность только начиналась.

Shortly after his resignation from the military, Edwin Walker began forging a friendship with fellow John Birch Society member Billy James Hargis. They agreed to go on a speaking tour of the U.S. together; Hargis would sermonize on the perils of communism at the national level and Walker would expound on the international threat. Walker parlayed these early lectures into political gain. He soon decided to run for governor of Texas and enjoyed the support of Dallas oilman H.L. Hunt. Walker ran under the Southern Democratic (Dixiecrat) ticket, though, and ended up in last place in the Democratic primary of February 1962.
Later that year, in September, Walker caught wind that the federal government planned to force the integration of an African American man, James Meredith, into the University of Mississippi. This was Walker’s chance to retaliate against the government that had forced him to integrate Little Rock back in 1957. Walker took to the airwaves to instigate an insurrection against governmental control.
“I call for a national protest against the conspiracy from within,” Walker declared. “Rally to the cause of freedom in righteous indignation, violent vocal protest, and bitter silence under the flag of Mississippi at the use of Federal troops.”
The next day, September 30, 1962, riots broke out on the university campus, resulting in hundreds being injured and two dead. Six federal marshals had been shot. Walker was immediately arrested and charged with sedition and insurrection against the United States.
Behind the closed doors of the FBI, however, government officials worried about Walker’s mental health. Informants whispered that he appeared irrational during his public talks. The rumors were enough to compel U.S. Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy to order Walker placed under a 90-day psychiatric evaluation at a forensic center in Springfield, Missouri. Both the American Civil Liberties Union and prominent psychiatrist Thomas Szasz protested the hospitalization. Walker’s attorney in Oklahoma City, Clyde Watts, fought the order of detention and was able to get Walker freed after only five days.
The detention radicalized Walker even further, but by siding with the racists during the Ole Miss riot, he began to cause concern amongst his allies.
“Walker has also been listening to advice from another source and refusing to pay attention to those who have tried to caution him,” wrote Robert Welch, founder of the John Birch Society, adding that Walker could cause “very serious embarrassment to conservatives and the conservative cause in general.”
In November of 1962, Walker stood before a grand jury regarding his role in the Ole Miss riot. His mental health was called into question and his role in the riot scrutinized, yet one of the most important black witnesses, Reverend Duncan Grey, Jr., was never called to testify. The all-white Mississippi grand jury chose not to indict Walker.
https://thislandpress.com/2012/11/02/the-strange-love-of-dr-billy-james-hargis/

В начале 1963, после завершения авантюры в Миссури Уолкер и Харгис отправились на специальном автобусе в тур лекций по стране, от Флориды до Калифорнии.

Hargis typically began with a passage from Ephesians, instructing his listeners to “put on the full armor of God...with the breastplate of righteousness in place.” The preacher would then promise to speak briefly “so that you can hear General Walker,” yet he often went on for another 100 minutes. As Hargis waved his hands, tapped his feet and mopped the sweat dramatically from his brow, the general sat in a chair to the podium’s left, his menthol cigarettes holstered and a blank look on his face. After Hargis’ showmanship, Walker, wooden and rambling, often proved a letdown.
The two men, however, shared a penchant for hyperbole, fiction and slander. “The thing that’s wrong with America today is the spirit of anti-Christ in the fields of religion, education, politics,” Hargis said. He mocked “the sophisticated bunch of professors in the State Department,” which Walker called “full of traitors.” Across the federal bureaucracy, Hargis declared, “these agencies and administrators have conspired in and collaborated with a demoralizing, degrading and repulsive Satanic force.” “No man,” Walker proclaimed, can be “a Kennedy liberal and follow the teachings of Christ.”
Across Florida, the two men spoke of Cuba as an incipient threat to American security and, in those post-missile crisis days, an example of Kennedy’s fecklessness in confronting communism. Walker enjoyed laying out his strategy for a military assault on the island by the 82nd Airborne Division, where he once served as a deputy commander. Hargis said he was “amazed and sobered” by the political activity within the state’s Cuban exile community.
The two proved adept at calling like-minded celebrities up onto their stage. In Atlanta, it was the parents of John Birch himself, the American soldier and missionary who died in a confrontation with Chinese soldiers shortly after World War II ended and thus became known by some anti-communists as the first casualty of the Cold War. In Birmingham, their next stop, it was Eugene “Bull” Connor, the city’s aggressively segregationist police commissioner, who was running for mayor (and would lose to a more moderate segregationist, Albert Boutwell).
On March 12, they pulled into Greenville, South Carolina, where Bob Jones Jr., a member of the Christian Crusade board, invited them to speak at a daytime chapel service at the university he’d founded. Hargis declared that Bob Jones University delivered “the best education possible in a pro-Christian and pro-American university.” The school would later sacrifice its tax-exempt status to preserve its ban on interracial dating among its students. <...>
Hargis had hoped that their April 3 finale, in Los Angeles, would be the “big crowning achievement of the entire month.” He couldn’t have been disappointed: The event drew by far the biggest crowd yet, filling the Shrine Auditorium with more than 6,000 people. He claimed there were 300 pickets outside, though the local press counted a hundred. Walker commemorated the tour’s end by leading his audience in “Onward, Christian Soldiers.”
Distrust of the federal government, anti-communist fervor, evangelical Christianity-the Midnight Ride awakened passions that would unite them all.
Walker arrived back in Dallas on April 8 to a home filled with drifts of fan mail and financial contributions. Two nights later he was sitting at a desk in his study, working on his income-tax return, when a bullet shattered his window and lodged in a wall just behind him, spraying metal shards into his arm. He grabbed his gun and went outside to look for the shooter, but found no one.
After midnight, Walker invited reporters in and showed off the bullet hole and his injury, joking that he deserved a Purple Heart. He jovially sipped a cup of coffee and said, “I’ve been saying the front was right here at home.”
It would take months for Walker to learn the identity of his would-be assassin: Lee Harvey Oswald. The Warren Commission, in identifying the avowed leftist as the man who killed President Kennedy that November, also determined that he had been stalking the fortress on Turtle Creek months before, while Walker was on the Midnight Ride.
Between notifying the police and summoning newspaper reporters, Walker called Hargis in Tulsa. Both men immediately recognized the value of a near-death experience.
“Billy,” Walker said, “let’s make another tour immediately.”
They did, for two weeks that May, on what they called Operation: Alert. They covered a diagonal from Seattle to Baton Rouge, but made less of a splash. Already, more-professional operatives were moving into the right-wing turf they had identified.
https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/wild-road-trip-rallied-conservatives-180970033/
https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/wild-road-trip-rallied-conservatives-180970033/



В 1964 появился наконец кандидат, которого берчеры могли поддержать: Барри Голдуотер. Филлис Шлафли публикует за свой счёт книгу  “ A Choice Not an Echo”, которая расходится большим тиражом и помогает Голдуотеру выиграть на праймериз.

В республиканском истэблишменте Харгиса и Уолкера считают фриками и не пускают на съезд республиканской партии в Сан Франциско, но после выборов они ликуют несмотря на проигрыш Голдуотера: у консерваторов наконец появился свой голос и своя основная партия. Остаётся только продолжать подпихивать республиканскую партию в нужном направлении. Пройдёт некоторе время, прежде чем Билл Бакли проведёт черту, изгоняя берчеров из консервативного движения.

Статья из ноября 1964:

All right‐wing leaders interviewed felt that apostate Republicans and Democratic campaigners prevented a vote on conservatism by painting Senator Goldwater as a warmonger and opponent of Social Security.
But they intend to marshal all the forces they can to see that there is a next time for a right‐wing Presidential candidate.
“Freedom was not allowed to come to a vote,” said former Maj. Gen. Edwin A. Walker in Dallas.
“But the test is inevitable,” added Mr. Walker, a Birch Society member who lost his Army command because of his program to indoctrinate his troops with ultraconservative views. <...>
Mrs. Phyllis Schlafly, author of another paperback book widely circulated by right‐wing groups, “A Choice Not An Echo,” said in atelephone interview from her home in Alton, Ill., that she was “thrilled to learn there are now 26 million conservatives in the Republican party.”
Her book, which attacks moderate Republicans such as Governor Rockefeller as offering only a pale imitation of Democratic liberalism, was credited with helping Senator Goldwater defeat the Governor in the crucial California primary.
She added her voice to the far right's chorus against making any concessions to liberal Republicans.
Twenty‐six million ballots for Senator Goldwater “dramatically demonstrates that the conservatives now make up the mainstream of the G.O.P.,” Human Events has told its 140,000 subscribers. <...>
Next in this category is the Birch Society. John H. Rousselot, the society's national director of public relations, said in a telephone interview from his office in San Marino, Calif., that election activity and publicity in the campaign had greatly stimulated interest in the society.
Membership remains secret, he said, but has risen to record levels in each of the last four months.
A costly, 16‐page newspaper supplement in color has now been placed in 15 large daily newspapers to recruit more members.
Fifty‐five Birch Society field co‐ordinators, compared with 25 two years ago, are now at work throughout the country, Mr. Rousselot said.
New regional offices of the society have been or are being opened in suburbs of Los Angeles, Chicago, Houston, Washington and New York, he said.
There are now 228 American Opinion (Birch Society) bookstores in the United States.
He estimated that they were selling 40,000 copies of “conservative books and major pamphlets” each week, double the number of a year ago.
Birch Society members were elected to the Legislatures of California and Wisconsin.
Mr. Rousselot said that while the society was “educational” rather than political, it would continue to urge members to work as individuals for the election of “constitutional conservatives” to offices at all levels of government.
“Many assumed this responsibility in 1964 and more will in the future,” he said.
Robert H. W. Welch Jr., president and founder of the organization, said in his first postelection bulletin to members that “it was and is necessary to have conservative candidates fully and widely backed by the labors of such a continuing nonpolitical organization” as the Birch Society.
Though Senator Goldwater and others have suggested that the Birch Society could improve its public impression and that of the conservative movement by replacing Mr. Welch because of such intemperances as calling former President Dwight D. Eisenhower pro‐Communist, Mr. Rousselot said the society's national council had decided not to do so.
Most spokesmen for the Far Right believe that the movement has emerged from the election in excellent condition and that no changes are necessary in its leadership or in the causes it espouses.
All deny that their groups are “extremist.” It is only the Ku Klux Klan and the Minutemen, who rejected the ballot in favor of guerrilla warfare training against the day of the “Communist takeover,” who are extremists, they say.
https://www.nytimes.com/1964/11/23/rightists-buoyed-by-tbe-election.html



Выступая на 20-летии «Голоса Америки» в феврале 1962, Кеннеди возвышенно говорил о принципе свободы слова.

In 1946 the United Nations General Assembly passed a resolution reading in part, "freedom of information is a fundamental human right, and the touchstone of all the freedoms to which the United Nations is consecrated." This is our touchstone as well. This is the code of the Voice of America. We welcome the views of others. We seek a free flow of information across national boundaries and oceans, across iron curtains and stone walls. We are not afraid to entrust the American people with unpleasant facts, foreign ideas, alien philosophies, and competitive values. For a nation that is afraid to let its people judge the truth and falsehood in an open market is a nation that is afraid of its people.
https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/remarks-the-20th-anniversary-the-voice-america

В этом было определенное лукавство. Понимая опасность адской машины демагогической ультраправой пропаганды, с ней было решено бороться всеми доступными средствами. В декабре 1961 Вальтер Ройтер, профсоюзный деятель и духовный лидер демократов, пишет докладную записку генеральному прокурору Бобби Кеннеди с рекомендациями о необходимых мерах http://www.nhteapartycoalition.org/tea/wp-content/uploads/2014/05/1961-Reuther-Memo-on-Radical-Right-CLA.pdf

Среди мер, которые немедленно берутся на вооружение - проверка налоговыми службами (IRS).

Attorney General Kennedy turned to Walter Reuther, president of the United Auto Workers, and civil rights attorney Joseph Rauh Jr. for help. On Dec. 19, 1961, Reuther and Rauh sent the attorney general a 24-page memo headlined "The Radical Right in America Today." The memo writers advocated "deliberate Administration policies and programs to contain the radical right from further expansion" and "to reduce it to its historic role of the impotent lunatic fringe."
The memo writers advised the Kennedys, among other suggestions, to use the IRS to probe possible right-wing tax violations. They noted that several radical-right groups had federal tax-exempt status. "Prompt revocation in a few cases might scare off a substantial part of the big money now flowing into these tax-exempt organizations," they noted.
Recently, Mr. Caplin has publicly said, "We had no 'enemies list' or 'Dean's list' or any other type of political list." However, IRS documents show that Commissioner Caplin sent numerous memos to Attorney General Kennedy and other administration officials about this investigation, dubbed the "Ideological Organizations Audit Project."
In the fall of 1961, the papers show, the IRS commissioner assigned his assistant, Mitchell Rogovin, to run the audit program. On Dec. 20, 1961, Rogovin forwarded to Dean J. Barron, the IRS audit director at the time, a list of 18 organizations to investigate. In late 1961, the IRS launched the first phase of the Ideological Organizations Audit Project.
In January 1962 the audits began. A May 14, 1962, memo from Commissioner Caplin to Henry Fowler, undersecretary of the Treasury, listed at least 12 right-wing organizations and 10 left-wing groups targeted. "We recognized the sensitivity of just going after [the] right wing, so we wanted to add both left- and right-wing groups for balance," Mr. Caplin says in an interview. "It's unclear who selected these groups, though. Many left-wing groups had already been given a difficult time during the Eisenhower years. They had already been audited. So, we scraped the bottom of the barrel to find groups that had not already been audited."
IRS documents list seven non-exempt right-wing groups: the National Indignation Convention, the Conservative Society of America, Americans for Constitutional Government, the John Birch Society, Robert Welch Inc., the All-American Society and the Conservatives. Five exempt right-wing outfits were also targeted: the Christian Crusade-Christian Crusaders Inc., Fred Schwarz's Christian Anti-Communist Crusade, H.L. Hunt's Life-Line Foundation, the National Education Program of Harding College and Billy James Hargis' Christian Echoes Ministry Inc. of Sapulpa, Okla.
https://www.wsj.com/articles/SB854416286412470000

В свете сегодняшнего времени доклад Ройтера заслуживает более подробного цитирования:

"As the radical right cannot be wished away or ignored, likewise its demise is not something that can be readily accomplished. The struggle against the radical right is a long-term affair; total victory over the radical right is no more possible than total victory over the Communists. What are needed are deliberate Administration policies and programs to contain the radical right from further expansion and in the long run to reduce it to its historic role of the impotent lunatic fringe. <...>
As the radical right today feeds like a leech on the frustrations of the American people, so reducing these frustrations by accomplishments at home and abroad is the most important part of the long-range battle against the radical right. Indeed, in the long run, only democratic initiative in the world struggle against Communism will roll back the radical right to its traditional insignificance. But the Nation cannot look the other way and wait for this to happen. The radical right organizations threaten to render impossible the very steps (action and negotiation) that need to be taken by the Administration if our nation is to survive and succeed in the world struggle; they must never be permitted to become so strong as to obstruct action needed for democratic survival and success. <...>
It would be the easier course to look the other way and say that the radical right will disappear when we solve our problems at home and abroad. But the radical right may, if it is not contained, make it more difficult, if not impossible, to solve our problems at home and abroad."



После убийства Кеннеди, во время предвыборной кампании 1964, борьба с "radical right" сливается с борьбой за президентство и разворачивается на многих фронтах.

Следуя традиции использования дезинфицирующего солнечного света, руководители ADL выпускают книжку "Danger on the Right".

THIS is the most detailed, accurate and factually complete popular description of the radical right that has yet appeared-its groups, leaders, doctrines and especially its financial supporters. Because it does not rely on hard‐breathing rhetoric to supply missing bricks of fact, it is not just another exposé, but an indispensable book for every American citizen who wants to know the “who, what, and how much” of the radical right.
Benjamin Epstein, the A.D.L.'s National Director, and Arnold Forster, its General Counsel, divide their portrait of the ultra‐right into two sections, with a chapter for each organization and leader that they treat. The first section, “The Radical Right,” has chapters on the John Birch Society of Robert Welch; the Christian Anti‐Communism Crusade of Dr. Schwarz; the Christian Crusade of Rev. Billy James Hargis; the National Education Program of Dr. George Benson; the 20th‐Century Reformation Hour of Rev. Carl McIntire; the Manion Forum of Dean Clarence Manion; Life Line Foundation and Dan Smoot; the Church League of America under Edgar Bundy; the Conservative Society of America under Kent and Phoebe Courtney; and the Liberty Amendment Committee of the U.S.A., led by Willis Stone. Out of an estimated 500 rightwing organizations, the book concluded that some 26-27 represent “major groups.” The 10 discussed above, in the authors' view, are the most influential and lively of the radical‐right component among the 26-27.
The second section, titled “The Extreme Conservatives,” dissects five leading' groups among the organizations that do not adopt the pure, fullstrength doctrines of the radical right-but do espouse many of the same ideas, join in common rallies and causes, have overlapping directorships, and often enjoy the financial support of the same rightist “angels.” This section focuses on Americans for Constitutional Action, led by Admiral (Ret.) Ben Moreell: Human Events, under James Wick; the Intercollegiate Society of Individualists; Young Americans for Freedom; and The National Review of William F. Buckley, Jr. <...>
In each chapter, “Danger on the Right” does four things. It traces the history of the organization's formation and growth; presents representative quotations of the group's positions; describes who controls the group, and who makes up its leading directorate; and reveals the major financial support behind each group-which the authors state adds up to more than $14,000,000 being pumped yearly into the pipeline of the radical right, primarily by wealthy individuals and large corporations.. All of this material is presented with literary verve and succulent quotations. It succeeds perfectly in pinning each wildly fluttering ultraright butterfly to its proper page in the specimen book.
https://www.nytimes.com/1964/10/25/archives/an-arsenal-of-facts-danger-on-the-right-by-arnold-forster-and.html

На экраны выходит гениальный сатирический фильм Стэнли Кубрика "Dr. Strangelove or: How I Learned to Stop Worrying and Love the Bomb", в котором за образом бесноватого генерала Джэка Риппера угадывается Тэд Уолкер. Про фторирование воды Риппер говорит: "Fluoridation is the most monstrously conceived and dangerous communist plot we have ever had to face." Другая его знаменитая фраза: "I can no longer sit back and allow Communist infiltration, Communist indoctrination, Communist subversion and the international Communist conspiracy to sap and impurify all of our precious bodily fluids."

Click to view

DNC тайно создает отдельную внешне независимую организацию (The National Council for Civic Responsibility)  во главе с умеренным республиканцем Артуром Ларсоном, специалистом по контр-пропаганде.

Arthur Larson, a prominent liberal Eisenhower Republican and once head of the United States Information Agency, was recruited to lead the blueribbon panel whose members shared serious concern over the growth of the John Birch Society and other elements of right‐wing extremism.
Larson would deny in public that the organization of the group had anything to do with the Presidential campaign, and funds for the council were solicited through newspaper advertisements signed by a wide range of the most respected moderate and liberal intellectuals in the country. Yet more than half of the money Larson set as his fund‐raising goal came from major Democratic party contributors at the direction of the Democratic National Committee. Furthermore, the Democrats sought to encourage-and to camouflage-these big party contributions by linking the council to the Public Affairs Institute, a tax‐exempt “citizen's lobby” group that had been funded in 1948 by several unions, but had existed in name only for many years.
https://www.nytimes.com/1975/03/30/archives/whats-fair-on-the-air-the-red-lion-case-a-landmark-court.html

The National Council for Civic Responsibility, a group formed a month ago, has begun a nationwide series of radio programs to “expose” the activities of the John Birch Society and other extremist right‐wing organizations.
Arthur Larson, the council's chairman, said the other day that the public's response to the programs and to the initial publicity about the group had been “heartwarming, as if a lot of people had been just waiting for something like this for a long tune.”
Dr. Larson, a law professor and director of the World Rule of Law Center at Duke University, said that “hundreds and hundreds of letters” had come in containing both money and offers of help.
Even before the council began its formal fund‐raising drive on Oct. 8 with full‐page ads in The New York Times and The Washington Post individuals had mailed in between $5,000 and $10,000, Dr. Larson said.
Dr. Larson said about 60 radio stations were now carrying the council's five‐minute “news documentaries” five days a week.
The stations are concentrated in the Far West, Southwest, Midwest and Florida “where extremist activity is heavy,” he said. The council is now negotiating with some New York City stations and expects to be oh the air here in a few days.
The five‐minute programs - the series is called “Spotlight” - are devoted mostly to firsthand narrations by “individuals who have suffered personally because of harassment” by extremists.
The council's announced purpose is to tell “the truth about the John Birch Society and related radical reactionary groups.”
When the formation of the council was announced on Sept. 22, the names of more than 100 well‐known figures in government, business, religion and education were on the membership list. These leaders come from every section of the country and from both political parties.
Dr. Larson said that the list had now grown to more then 200 members and that those who have joined since Sept. 22 included Robert F. Goheen, president of Princeton University, Nathan M. Pusey, president of Harvard University, and James Bryant Conant, a former Harvard president.
https://www.nytimes.com/1964/10/18/archives/antibirch-group-presses-an-expose.html

Click to view

Тактика Ларсона основывалась на использовании " Fairness Doctrine". В виду ограниченного количества эфирных частот государство контролировало выпуск лицензий на радиовещание. Начиная с 1949 и печальных уроков о нацистской пропаганде, радиостанциям под угрозой потери лицензии предписывалось освещать неоднозначные вопросы с разных сторон. Организация Ларсона стал добиваться того, чтобы "radical right" радиопроповедники предоставляли время на своих каналах для размещения опровержений их пропаганды, а в случае отказа жаловалась в федеральную службу радиовещания (FCC).

Ключевое дело Red Lion Broadcasting Co. v. FCC, основанное на претензии к программе Билли Джеймса Харгиса, дошло до Верховного суда, который единогласным решением подтвердил конституционность Fairness Doctrine.

The Court held that the FCC's fairness doctrine regulations enhanced rather than infringed the freedoms of speech protected under the First Amendment. With respect to the regulation of personal attacks made in the context of public issue debates, the FCC's requirement that the subject of the attack be provided with a tape, transcript, or broadcast summary, as well as an opportunity to respond without having to prove an inability to pay for the "air-time," insured a balanced and open discussion of contested issues. The requirement that political editorializing be presented for and against both sides of the debated issues also contributed to the balanced discussion of public concerns.
https://www.oyez.org/cases/1968/2



В полной мере "radical right" пропаганда возродится только с отменой Fairness Doctrine администрацией Рейгана в 1987 и возникновением кабельного телевидения, свободного от обычных ограничений. Попытку Конгресса возродить доктрину в виде законодательного акта Рейган перекрыл своим вето.

В 2009 бывший радиокомментатор Майк Пенс совместно с другими конгрессменами выступил с противоположной инициативой, которая законодательно запрещала FCC возрождать доктрину справедливости.

Broadcaster Freedom Act of 2009 - Amends the Communications Act of 1934 to prohibit the Federal Communications Commission (FCC), notwithstanding any other provision of any Act, from having the authority to require broadcasters to present opposing viewpoints on controversial issues of public importance, commonly referred to as the Fairness Doctrine.
https://www.congress.gov/bill/111th-congress/house-bill/226

Инициатива была внесена в качестве одного из пунктов (FAIRNESS DOCTRINE PROHIBITED) в другой закон (District of Columbia House Voting Rights Act of 2009). Закон прошел Сенат, но не дошел до голосования в Палате представителей.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/District_of_Columbia_voting_rights#Proposal_during_administration_of_Barack_Obama

Click to view

Победа, одержанная  Джэком Кеннеди и Линдоном Джонсоном над ультраправой пропагандой в начале 1960ых, осталась в прошлом, а средства, использованные для этой победы, пришли в негодность.

В качестве средства для дезинфекции солнечный свет остается последней надеждой.