Пара пометок. Урожайность.
Шапиро А.Л. Русское крестьянство перед закрепощением (XIV-XVI вв.). 1987.
Можно аккуратно предположить, что уровень богатства "среднего крестьянского двора" для Польши, востока Германии, Прибалтики и Руси в 14-16 веках отличался мало. Естественно, что есть еще масса нюансов (от плотности населения, до доли ремесленников и наличия удобных транспортных путей).
Lockhart P.D. Denmark, 1513-1660. The Rise and Decline of a Renaissance Monarchy. 2007
Approximately 20 per cent of Denmark’s total surface area was under cultivation at the dawn of the sixteenth century. In Norway, the proportion was much smaller, amounting to 0.2 per cent of all land. And since Norway was more than five times the size of Denmark - 320,000 km2 in surface area as opposed to Denmark’s 61,000 km2 - cultivated land in Denmark outstripped that in Norway by a factor of twenty to one. The cultivation of cereal grains in Iceland was negligible. Population densities reflected this fact, and probably helped to account for it as well: in the mid sixteenth century, there were approximately 9.8 inhabitants per km2 in Denmark, as opposed to 0.625 in Norway and 0.5 in Iceland. Only in the Duchies, with an estimated 21.0 souls per km2, did the population density exceed that of Denmark proper. Much of Norway and Iceland was desolate, even uninhabitable, while in topography and climate Denmark was much more like northern Germany.
...
Crop yields, even in fertile Denmark, were hardly phenomenal. Though no precise figures exist for the sixteenth century, we can make approximate inferences from seventeenth-century data. According to the research of Gunnar Olsen, the average crop yield for rye (between 1610 and 1660) was about 2.1-fold, and rarely exceeded threefold; in one year out of ten the yield was less than onefold - in other words, the amount of grain harvested was less than the amount sown. Not counting sales to Norway and Iceland, Denmark was able to export no more than 5 to 6 per cent of its grain each year, or around 200,000-250,000 barrels (tønder), and on the average Danish grain made up no more than 10 per cent of all grain shipments passing from the Baltic through the Sound. Poland and Baltic Germany far outstripped Denmark in grain production.
Janken Myrdal, Mats Morell. The agrarian history of Sweden 4000 BC to AD 2000. 2011
For a number of manors in the possession of the Crown and nobility it is possible to make detailed calculations of the harvest, and occasionally to generate long sequences of data. One way is to use grain yields, in other words to compare the quantities of grain sown and harvested. The oldest particulars come from c. 1480-1510 in Uppland and Södermanland (in the Mälaren valley), where the grain yield was about 3-4 for both barley and rye. Thereafter yields rose rapidly in the regions around Mälaren, peaking in the middle of the sixteenth century when the average grain yield was often as high as 6 or 7. In the late sixteenth century it dropped, and remained at around 5-6 throughout the seventeenth century. Since the Mälaren valley was the granary of central Sweden, this sequence had repercussions. In other parts of Sweden the seventeenth century was marked by stagnation, with grain yields often around 4-5 in the plains and 3-4 in the woodlands. ... Most livestock were noticeably smaller than modern breeds, and cows more so than most: studies of bone remnants show that, measured at the withers, the average size of a cow dropped from 110 cm in about 1000 to a whisker over 100 cm in the fifteenth century (Fig. 3.3). One reason may have been the accent on obtaining as much butter as possible, which often led to animals being weaned too soon. Quite simply, the calves were undernourished. In the sixteenth century the trend turned, and cattle slowly began to increase in size.
Насколько понимаю - в главных зерновых районах к 1600 году преобладало двуполье, но вообще там полный набор был - от однополья до многополья.
Leonid Żytkowicz. Grain yields in Poland, Bohemia, Hungary, and Slovakia in the 16th to 18th centuries // Acta Poloniae Historica, Tom 24 (1971)
Nevertheless, one thing seems certain: the low yield of rural husbandry in feudal Poland was not an exception. In some neighbouring countries, e.g. Hungary and Slovakia, yields were similar, actually remaining at the same level so that no essential difference can be seen. In Central Russia as well - as far as we know the results of studies there - yields in the vicinity of 2 - 4 seeds predominated at the turn of the 16th to 17th centuries. Only Bohemia in period II clearly outdistanced Poland and the other countries mentioned above, provided furth er investigations do not am end our conclusions. For Bohemia attained much higher yields, which Poland, Hungary, and Slovakia were not to reach until period III. At this point, however, attention must be drawn to an important circum stance which distinguished the countries of the Polish Kingdom from Bohemia and Hungary, namely that large amounts of grain were exported from Poland whereas exports from Bohemia in the period prior to Běla Hora and from Hungary up until the mid-18th century were insignificant or non-existent. In Bohemia, surpluses were consumed on the spot by the non-agricultural population. In Hungary, moreover, the large Habsburg army was a major consumer.
В 16 и первой половине 17 века типовой урожай в Польше, Богемии, Венгрии и Словакии был от сам-2 до сам-4, при этом чаще первое, чем второе. Еще
The manor and the peasant economy. The southern Alps in 1338 // Georges Duby. The Chivalrous Society. 1980 Более подробно - тут.
But even on these lands which were well cared for and benefited from frequent long periods of fallow, yields were very low. The inventory tells us what they were. On 65 demesnes, for every measure of grain sown four were commonly harvested; on 24 others the yield was five to one. But these demesnes were all on good lands situated in the better areas, such as on the plains of the lower Rhéne around Arles and at Chateaurenard on the outskirts of Manosque. In only seven cases was there any mention of a higher average yield and these were on the 'ferrages’, small, continuously cultivated fields near towns. By contrast, on 21 other demesnes the yield was no more than three to one, and in five mountainous localities a return of only two grains of corn could be expected from every one sown. From these wretched harvests the seed corn had to be deducted as well as the share left to the threshers and winnowers which was a twentieth or even a thirtieth part. This gives us some idea of how precarious the life of a peasant was. How could small cultivators, who probably did not have access to the better soils and whose technical means were very limited wrest tithe, task, multure and oven dues from outputs so derisory, and still have enough left to feed their children? In any event, for the manorial barns to be filled by the huge quantities of cereals listed in the inventory, the demesne had to be vast and hence the labourers engaged on cultivating it had to be numerous. There was thus a labour problem. To harrow, weed and harvest these immense fields, the lord could not rely on labour services alone. It is true he held the right to claim several days’ work from men and beasts, though only from a score of the most remote mountain villages. ... In localities growing mostly rye, a little of the wheat that the master required had of necessity to be produced. ... At Ginasservis (fo 263v), dues claimed by the lord brought in 164 setiers of wheat and 64 of barley; tithes 160 setiers of wheat, 238 of rye and 20 of oats. Therefore twice as much rye as wheat was normally grown in the locality, but the wheat was mainly delivered to the lord.
Slicher van Bath B.H. The agrarian history of Western Europe, A.D. 500-1850. 1963
Существенный прогресс сельского хозяйства в Европе - это 18-й и 19-й века. Mark Overton. Agricultural Revolution in England 1500-1850. 1996
При этом в России его механизмы (многополье, травосеяние, некоторый прогресс в орудиях труда) тоже вполне работали, даже на севере. К примеру - П.А. Колесников. Северная деревня в XV-первой половине XIX века. 1976 и Ф.С. Кен. Обзор действий Северной учебной фермы Вологодской губернии с основания до 1854 г. 1856. В среднем за десять лет озимая рожь сам-7, овес сам-4, ячмень сам-6.
- Такъ какъ Северная ферма основана въ местности низменной, болотной и лесистой, то она должна была осушить посредствомъ канавъ и расчистить изъ подъ лѣса, для пашни и луговъ, значительное пространство земли, прежде нежели могла завести у себя правильное полеводство ... А какъ на сѣверѣ, гдѣ, безъ значительнаго удобренiя, земля не вознаграждаетъ трудовъ земледельца, главнымъ двигателемъ хозяйства служить скотоводство ... скудности естественныхъ луговъ и настбищъ, недостатокъ особенно ощутительный вслѣдствiе продолжительности зимы ...
- Можно сказать больше: эта ферма в середине XIX в. определила и обосновала такую структуру земледелия, которая вызывает известный интерес и в наши дни борьбы за повышение интенсивности земледелия и создания прочной кормовой базы. ... Эти нормы почти полностью соответствуют современным агротехническим требованиям.
А. М. Гневушев. Очерки экономической и социальной жизни сельского населения Новгородской области после присоединения Новгорода к Москве: Т. 1. 1915
Такая вот "кованая рать". Насколько понимаю - общий размер конфискаций в Новгородской земле оценивают в примерно 70 000 обеж (Веселовский С.Б.). "Типовой новгородский боярин светский землевладелец" 15 века имел вотчину, аналогичную поместной даче в "24 чети в одном поле"... При этом земли чаще "худой" и/или "средней", а не "доброй".
Paul Douglas Lockhart. Sweden in the Seventeenth Century. 2017
Altogether, the noble estate numbered around 400 adult males in 1600, and collectively owned 16 percent of all farmsteads in the kingdom, and about 50 percent in Finland. It was hardly a homogeneous estate. A small aristocracy of eleven to fifteen elite families possessed around 60 percent of seignorial land; many of these aristocrats held title to several hundred peasant farms. By contrast, the remainder of the nobility enjoyed much more modest wealth. Some 40 percent of all noble landowners did not own more than one or two peasant farms. All noblemen were exempt from ordinary taxation, in return for their obligation to provide heavy cavalry (rusttjanst, or ‘knight service’) to the crown.
P.S. Небольшой комментарий в сторону. Хутор или отдельно стоящая ферма - довольно обычный тип сельского поселения на севере Европы (Скандинавия, Прибалтика) еще с Бронзового века. Деревни появляются сравнительно поздно, не везде, чаще всего - не слишком крупные.