Детский сад

Jul 31, 2024 18:11



Как бы подтверждая тезис доктора Спока о том, что политика - часть педиатрии, вопрос об отношении к детям становится одной из центральных тем выборов 2024.

В своем выступлении на республиканском съезде гордый своей многодетностью Джей Ди Вэнс упомянул своих детей дважды. Первый раз демонстративно прикрикнув на них, чтобы они ложились в постель: "Now they’re back at the hotel, and kids, if you’re watching, Daddy loves you very much but get your butts in bed. It’s 10 o’clock."

И второй раз умомянув, что дети лягут вместе с ним на семейное кладбище в Кентукки:

"Now in that cemetery, there are people who were born around the time of the Civil War. And if, as I hope, my wife and I are eventually laid to rest there, and our kids follow us, there will be seven generations just in that small mountain cemetery plot in eastern Kentucky."
https://www.nytimes.com/2024/07/17/us/politics/read-the-transcript-of-jd-vances-convention-speech.html



Среди фундаментальных свобод, о которых говорила Камала Харрис, в первом выступлении своей избирательной кампании, упоминалось право на доступный детский сад (affordable childcare).

"We believe in a future where every person has the opportunity not just to get by but to get ahead - (applause); a future where no child has to grow up in poverty - (applause); where every worker has the freedom to join a union - (applause); where every person has affordable health care - (applause) - affordable childcare - (applause) - and paid family leave. (Applause.) We believe in a future where every senior can retire with dignity. (Applause.)"
https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2024/07/23/remarks-by-vice-president-harris-at-a-political-event-10/

Это не было пустыми словами.

During the Biden administration, Harris worked behind the scenes pushing for affordable child care legislation and an expanded child tax credit. She’s also been the face of those announcements, including in April when the administration announced new minimum staffing rules for nursing homes, and last summer when it rolled out a federal rule that capped the cost of child care for very low-income families. When she announced that policy, Harris again told the story of the women who raised her.
“This fight is personal for me,” Harris said then. “My mother often said that if not for Mrs. Shelton, she would never have been able to do the work that she did. Those are the stakes of this work: bringing child care to all families who need it.”
In advocacy circles, emails and texts were flying this week, with advocates hoping that Harris could mount a care-focused presidential campaign that could deliver on the policies the Biden administration ultimately could not. The administration’s centerpiece legislation, known as the Build Back Better package, would have created a universal pre-K system, a federal paid leave policy and poured hundreds of billions into expanding child care and expanding and improving home care for older adults and people with disabilities. But the package died in Congress.
Harris would have an opportunity to resurface that fight, Boteach said. “On care specifically, if past is prologue, this is the right person to be leading this conversation,” Boteach said. “It’s been a clear and clarion message from the beginning that this is the unfinished business of the current Biden/Harris administration and that she will make it a top priority.”
https://19thnews.org/2024/07/the-momala-economy-caregiving-child-care-disability-rights/



Много лет назад вопрос о детских садах сыграл особую роль в избирательной кампании 1972. Ричард Никсон уверено шел на переизбрание, но среди недовольных его политикой в это время были не только демократы, но и консерваторы. По их мнению Никсон недостаточно боролся против реформ гражданских прав, доставшихся в наследство от Кеннеди и Джонсона. Берчеры (бывшие члены John Birch Society) не могли также простить ему шаги по налаживанию отношений с СССР и Китаем.

1 декабря 1971 группа из двенадцати заговорщиков (позже прозванная "Manhattan Twelve") собралась на квартире у Билла Бакли, редактора The National Review. После бурных обсуждений они решили выставить на республиканских праймериз против Никсона своего кандидата - Джона Ашбрука, 43-летнего конрессмена из Огайо. Консерваторы понимали, что малоизвестный широкой публике Ашбрук не сможет выиграть номинацию, но его продвижение было призвано вызвать паранойю у Никсона и вынудить того сдвинуться вправо.

William F. Buckley, Jr. called a meeting of conservative heavyweights at his Manhattan townhouse. This assembly, later dubbed “the Manhattan Twelve,” included such notables as Rusher, James Burnham, and Frank Meyer, and also political staffers from the American Conservative Union and Young Americans for Freedom. They issued a manifesto declaring a “suspension of support” for Nixon in the 1972 presidential election and entertained the possibility of a conservative primary challenger.
By December 1971, this coterie had settled on their choice: Ohio Congressman John M. Ashbrook. His conservative credentials were beyond reproach, and he had a reputation as a principled, honorable Republican. Some members of the Manhattan Twelve went to Ashbrook’s congressional office to plead with him to run for the Republican nomination. On December 9, the Manchester Union Leader ran a front page editorial by conservative editor and publisher William Loeb calling on Ashbrook to enter the race. Rusher presented Ashbrook with a personal campaign contribution of $1,000 to encourage him further.
https://www.theamericanconservative.com/when-conservatives-tried-to-throw-out-richard-nixon/

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В сохранившейся в архивах видеорекламе избирательной кампании Ашбрука тот выступает против "busing" - программы десегрегации путем подвоза детей на автобусах из в богатые районы с хорошими публичными школами.

Бакли произносит на камеру "You can say no to deficits, military weaknesses, excessive welfare, and the whole Left-wing package by voting for John Ashbrook, Republican, conservative, patriot."

Ашбрук набрал в итоге 5% голосов и не вышел за 10% ни в одном из штатов, но тактика давления на Никсона справа себя оправдала.



В качестве члена комиссии по образованию (Committee on Education and Labor) Ашбрук в это время активно боролся против принятия закона о всеобщем дошкольном образовании (Comprehensive Child Development Act). Закон был принят при межпартийной поддержке - в Сенате за него голосовало большинство демократов и республиканцев https://www.govtrack.us/congress/votes/92-1971/s399

10 декабря 1971 по совету своего помощника Пэта Бьюкенена Никсон наложил на закон вето ради того, чтобы польстить Ашбруку и консерваторам и подорвать их атаку на выборах.

Nixon aide Pat Buchanan wrote a memo to Nixon’s Special Counsel Chuck Colson reporting back on the “Manhattan Twelve.” “Currently, they resemble a milling herd of cattle, making considerable noise and doing little harm; but if they start moving off together in one direction - picking up every stray anti-Nixon conservative in the country - they could be difficult to stop,” Buchanan warned. Buchanan believed, however, that Buckley could still be brought back into the fold: “My guess is that since Bill is such an independent spirit, he must be a bit uncomfortable being yoked in a twenty-mule team whose direction he alone cannot possibly control.”
Buchanan advised that Nixon hand down an aggressively conservative veto to Minnesota Senator Walter Mondale’s proposed Comprehensive Child Development Act of 1971, which would have created a national child care program, to neutralize the “Manhattan Twelve” and their fellow travelers. “My hope had been that something like Child Development…could be brought down here for a Presidential veto, with a tough message, which might then cause at least some of them to say, wait a minute, the returns aren’t all in.” Nixon indeed issued a scathing, Buchanan-penned veto on December 9th, arguing that the Act was marked by “fiscal irresponsibility, administrative unworkability and family‐weakening implications.”
https://cafe.com/article/a-milling-herd-of-cattle-john-ashbrook-and-william-f-buckleys-1972-right-wing-challenge/

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По совпадению в тот же день проходило знаменитое выступление Джона Леннона в Анн-Арборе.

Призыв Леннона "apathy isn’t it" не сработал. Впервые получившие право голоса молодые люди 18-20 лет не проявили на выборах ожидаемого от них либерализма.

The pollster George Gallup wrote in the Boston Globe in October that the biggest surprise in the race was Nixon’s strength among young voters.
“The enthusiasm for McGovern on the college campuses of the nation - so marked in the early months of 1972 - has faded considerably,” he concluded.
In the end, Nixon wound up getting nearly half of the vote of the young first-time voters - not that he needed them. In a historic landslide, he won 49 states and nearly 61 percent of the popular vote, losing just Massachusetts and the District of Columbia.
The youth vote was a factor in House and Senate races that year. This group was targeted in a concerted effort by one young candidate who was just a few years older than the first-time voters: 29-year-old Democrat Joe Biden, who upset 63-year-old Republican Sen. Cale Boggs of Delaware to win the Senate seat and launch his Washington political career.
In that campaign, Biden painted his opponent as out of touch, running newspaper ads with the tagline: “Joe Biden. He understands what’s happening today.” But he also distanced himself from the more liberal McGovern, saying, “I’m not as liberal as most people think.”
https://www.washingtonpost.com/history/2022/10/29/nixon-mcgovern-1972-young-voters/

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Главой комиссии, где заседал консервативный бульдог Аршбрук, служил Карл Перкинс из Кентукки, бывший школьный учитель и классический демократ. Перкинс поддерживал курс Рузвельта, реформу гражданских прав Кеннеди/Джонсона и пробил через Конгресс многочисленные законы в поддержку доступного образования.

В свеом недомемуаре Джей Ди Вэнс выставляет себя голосом "hillbillies" с холмов Аппалачей и утверждает "It was Greater Appalachia’s political reorientation from Democrat to Republican that redefined American politics after Nixon. <...> As far back as the 1970s, the white working class began to turn to Richard Nixon because of a perception that, as one man put it, government was “payin’ people who are on welfare today doin’ nothin’! They’re laughin’ at our society! And we’re all hardworkin’ people and we’re gettin’ laughed at for workin’ every day!”

Это тупое вранье. Легко видеть, что графство в Кентукки, где проживала любимая бабушка Вэнса и где находятся его любимое семейное  кладбище, упорно голосовало за демократических кандидатов и во время Никсона, и во время Рейгана. "Hillbillies" были так называемыми "yellow dog democrats" - теми, кто относился к демократической партии, как к партии рабочего класса, и был готов проголосовать скорее за собаку, чем за республиканца. Они, однако, резко развернулись к республиканцам в последние годы и проголосовали дважды против Обамы и дважды за Трампа. Разворот резкий, но он произошел совсем не по тем причинам, на которые пытается указывать Вэнс https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Breathitt_County,_Kentucky



Неподалеку от этих мест в 1930ых годах проходили драматические события, когда шахтеры из угольных шахт Аппалачей пытались организоваться в профсоюзы и бороться за свои права. Те самые права, к которым ныне призывает Камала Харрис: "every worker has the freedom to join a union".

Флоренс Рис, глава шахтерского профсоюзного лидера из Кентукки, написала тогда пронзительную песню "Which Side Are You On":

Sheriff J. H. Blair and his men came to our house in search of Sam - that's my husband - he was one of the union leaders. I was home alone with our seven children. They ransacked the whole house and then kept watch outside, waiting to shoot Sam down when he came back. But he didn't come home that night. Afterward I tore a sheet from a calendar on the wall and wrote the words to 'Which Side Are You On?' to an old Baptist hymn, 'Lay the Lily Low'. My songs always goes to the underdog - to the worker. I'm one of them and I feel like I've got to be with them. There's no such thing as neutral. You have to be on one side or the other. Some people say, 'I don't take sides - I'm neutral.' There's no such thing. In your mind you're on one side or the other. In Harlan County there wasn't no neutral. If you wasn't a gun thug, you was a union man. You had to be.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Harlan_County_War

They say in Harlan County
There are no neutrals there.
You'll either be a union man
Or a thug for J. H. Blair.
Which side are you on boys?
Which side are you on?
Which side are you on boys?
Which side are you on?

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Разворот бедных шахтерских районов в сторону правых популистов - не только американское явление. Похожий процесс параллельно происходил в Великобритании - с Брекзитом в 2016 и голосованием за партию Бориса Джонсона в 2019. Тори ликовали, сумев пробить традиционную "красную стену" лейбористов.

"The ‘red wall’ results are staggering. In Bolsover, held by Dennis Skinner since 1970, the Tories now have a 5,000+ majority. Former mining towns like Bishop Auckland and Sedgefield - Tony Blair’s old seat - fell to the Tories.
Caroline Flint lost Don Valley - a shame, given Flint was one of very few Labour MPs who sensed that the party’s betrayal of its working-class, Brexit-voting communities would cost it dear.
Blyth Valley has a Tory MP for the first time in its 69-year history. Dehenna Davison, a Sheffield-born, Hull-educated 25-year-old, is Bishop Auckland’s first Tory MP in its 134-year history. She has a majority of nearly 8,000.
And on it goes. Stockton South, Darlington, Wrexham. Seat after seat that Labour bigwigs presumed for decades would naturally vote Labour - because that’s what working-class people do, right? - have turned blue. Get this: former Welsh miners and the northern working classes trust an Eton-educated bumbling eccentric more than they do the Labour party."
https://www.spectator.co.uk/article/the-fall-of-labour-s-red-wall-is-a-moment-to-celebrate/

Но ликование длилось недолго. Консерваторы вместе с клоуном Джонсоном растеряли остатки репутации, и шахтеры вернулись "домой" на выборах 2024. Не будем загадывать, произойдет ли подобное в США.

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Британский фильм "Pride" (2014) в несколько засахаренном виде рассказывает реальную историю о том, как в 1980ых группа активистов LGBT из Лондона решила поддержать бастующих шахтеров и организовала сбор денег для их профсоюза, взяв шефство над маленьким городком в Уэльсе. Фильм несколько приукрышывает историю движения LGSM (Lesbians and Gays Support the Miners) и скрывает, что его лидер Марк Эштон (в исполнении американского актера Бена Шнетцера) был натуральным коммунистом. Но верно рассказывано про то, как шахтеры Уэлься в благодарность за поддержку приняли участие в прайд-параде в Лондоне в 1985 и добились включение пункта о борьбе за права сексуальных меньшинств в платформу лейбористской партии.



Трудно сказать, существует ли понятие о солидарности у людей нынешнего поколения. Так, например, Та-Нехиси Коутс, который много и с большими ньюансами писал о расовых проблемах в Америке, вскоре после 7 октября 2023 без особых ньюансов занял сторону Хамаса и отодвинул в сторону долгую историю борьбы американских евреев за права чернокожих.

AMY GOODMAN: You’ve been talking about Dr. King. His daughter, Dr. Bernice King, who heads The King Center, lawyer, Martin Luther King’s youngest daughter, responded to a post by the comedian Amy Schumer, who shared a video of Dr. King condemning antisemitism and defending Israel’s right to exist. Bernice King wrote, quote, “Certainly, my father was against antisemitism. He also believed militarism (along with racism and poverty) to be among the interconnected Triple Evils. I am certain he would call for Israel’s bombing of Palestinians to cease,” Dr. Bernice King said. And so, if you could comment on this and also talk about how the issue of Palestinians, the Occupied Territories, the occupation, has been raised in the Black community, the Movement for Black Lives, for years now, and the pressure you come under when you do?
TA-NEHISI COATES: Yeah, and, look, I think it’s very, very important to talk about the force of antisemitism in history, indeed in American history, in fact. It’s a very, very, very real thing, and I don’t think you can understand the events of the moment without understanding that.
And I think, over the past few weeks especially, much has been made about the historic alliance between Black folks and Jewish activists and Jewish folks and that sort of thing. And it’s a very, very real thing. It’s a very, very important thing. But I think, like any alliance, it is at its best when it grounds itself in moral principle, not in a kind of gang truce, not in a kind of “I had your back, so you’ll have mine.” A moral alliance that is transactional is actually, in fact, not a moral alliance. And we have always been at our best - you know, when I think about the Jewish civil rights workers who went south and put their bodies on the line for the civil rights movement, I like to think - and I think it’s true - that that was not a transactional arrangement. That was not, you know, an attempt to say, “Look, I’m doing this because I think you’ll have my back in the future.” They did it because it was right. They did it based on principle.
And so, you know, I think some of the frustration that certain, certain people feel about the lack of African American support for this war comes from this notion that we should have people’s back as they drop bombs to try to defend a segregationist apartheid regime. We shouldn’t do that. And we haven’t done that. That’s the history that you allude to, I mean, going back to Angela Davis, to SNCC, to Black Lives Matter. I stand here, or I sit here, very, very humbly as a latecomer to the cause, but someone who has come to the cause nonetheless. We have to stand on principle, Ma’am. We have to stand on principle.
https://www.democracynow.org/2023/11/2/ta_nehisi_coates

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Символом солидарности американских женщин была призвана стать Национальная конференция женщин, которая проходила в ноябре 1977 в Хьюстоне с участием выдающихся женщин со всех штатов.

Среди других рекомендаций правительству (президенту Картеру) конференция приняла рекомендации о детских садах.

The Federal government should assume a major role in directing and providing comprehensive, voluntary, flexible hour, bias-free, non-sexist, quality child care and developmental programs, including child care facilities for Federal employees, and should request and support adequate legislation and funding for these programs.
Federally funded child care and developmental programs should have low-cost, ability-to-pay fee schedules that make these services accessible to all who need them, regardless of income, and should provide for parent participation in their operation.
Legislation should make special provision for child care facilities for rural and migrant worker families.
Labor and management should be encouraged to negotiate child care programs in their collective bargaining agreements.
Education for parenthood programs should be improved and expanded by local and State school boards, with technical assistance and experimental programs provided by the Federal government.
City, county and/or State networks should be established to provide parents with hotline consumer in formation on child care, referrals, and follow-up evaluations of all listed care givers.
https://1997-2001.state.gov/picw/archives/npa.html

В своем выступлении Коретта Скотт Кинг, вдова Мартина Лютера Кинга, провозглосила "Let this message go forth from Houston and spread all over this land. There is a new force, a new understanding, a new sisterhood against all injustice that has been born here. We shall not be divided and defeated again!" https://www.texasmonthly.com/burka-blog/forty-years-ago-national-womens-conference/



Но в итоге женщины оказались "divided and defeated again". На другом конце Хьюстона Филлис Шлафли проводила в это время свой анти-митинг под лозунгом "God, Family, and Country" (" Dio, Patria, Famiglia").

"The Equal Rights Amendment says you cannot discriminate on account of sex. And if you want to deny a marriage license to a man and a man, or deny a homosexual the right to teach in the schools, or adopt children, it is on account of sex that you would deny it, and that would be unconstitutional under the ERA.
We reject the anti-family goals of the equal rights amendment and the International Women’s Year. Contrary to their radical resolutions, the American people and the American women do not want the ERA. They do not want abortion. They do not want lesbian privileges. And they do not want universal childcare in the hands of the government."
http://hdl.handle.net/10919/52900

Поправка о равноправии, Equal Rights Amendment (ERA), главная цель Национальной конференции, была пущена под откос и в 1980 изъята из платформы республиканской партии, куда она неизменно включалась с 1940 года. Америку накрыла эпоха Рейгана.

Спустя много лет мелодия песни "Which Side Are You On" продолжает висеть в воздухе.

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lgbt, идеология, история

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