(советский эмиссар Виноградов - руководителю СДПГ Штампферу, передавая вето Москвы на альянс КПГ с СПДП против Гитлера)
Nazi and Communist Collaboration In Germany
During the Decade Preceding Hitler's "Third Reich"
[1923-1933]
By Emerson Vermaat
"The extremes touch" is a well known saying and quite often it is
true.
Today, leftist Socialists and Marxists join radical Muslims
or "Islamists" in what they perceive as the common struggle
against the United States and the West. One of the best friends of
the extremist Iranian president Ahmadinejad is Venezuelan
president Hugo Chavez, a radical Socialist who wants to follow the
example of Cuba's Fidel Castro. This is the same Ahmadinejad who
is a "Holocaust denier" who invites neo-Nazis and other Fascist
Holocaust deniers to conferences in Tehran.
Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood, two important branches of
today's radical Islam, espouse the anti-Semitic conspiracy
theories of the so-called "Protocols of the Wise Men (or Elders)
of Zion." Ahmed Sheikh Yassin, the co-founder of Hamas, had an
Arab translation of the "Protocols" on his desk when he was
writing the Hamas Charter. 1
It is not coincidental, therefore, that the same charter
specifically refers to the Protocols. Sheikh Yassin was also a
strong admirer of a virulent Jew-hater whose name was Mohammed
"Haj" Amin Al-Husseini, the former Grand Mufti of Jerusalem who
had been granted asylum by the Nazis in 1941 and who spent the war
years in Berlin where he actively promoted the Nazi cause.2
The "Protocols of the Wise Men of Zion" were very popular in
Hitler's "Third Reich." Nazi Party philosopher Alfred Rosenberg
was born in Czarist Russia (actually he was born in Latvia which
was then part of Russia) and it was this Baltic German who in 1918
took the text of the Protocols from Russia to Germany introducing
it to his extreme rightist friends from the Thule Society in
Munich. It was from this obscure group that the Nazi Party would
evolve around 1920.
Heinrich Himmler, the notorious SS-Reichsführer, had a strong
admiration for Eastern religions and Islam. He often talked to his
friend Haj Amin Al-Husseini, and it was during the war that the SS
ran several "imam schools" in Nazi Germany. Himmler admired
Muslims because they did not mind dying in battle.3
A Muslim who dies in battle believes he goes straight to paradise
- a mere fiction, of course. But for Himmler's SS such "holy
warriors" were quite useful. Himmler's SS-Muslim units committed
terrible atrocities and war crimes in Bosnia. Al-Husseini was the
high ranking Arab cleric who encouraged these young fanatics to
fight in the Nazi ranks. The Grand Mufti of Jerusalem was a
radical Muslim who believed in jihad, the Shari'a, and above all,
in killing Jews. His alliance with the Nazis was not unique,
however.
Today, Islamists from Hamas have been interviewed in the German
neo-Nazi press. Both neo-Nazis and radical Palestinians are
vehemently opposed to Israel, the USA and usually deny the
Holocaust. (At the Nuremberg War Crimes Tribunal many top Nazis
also lamely claimed they had never noticed anything about this
genocide; although they could not deny the facts, they still
claimed to be completely innocent which was also a form of
Holocaust denial.) Many Marxists and so-called anti-globalists are
making common cause with radical Muslims. Marxists, leftist "Third
Worldists" and neo-Nazis usually have the same kind of enemies:
the West, America, Israel, and so on. Marxists and neo-Nazis may
be ideological enemies, yet they may find common ground when it
comes to hating these common enemies. ("The enemy of my enemy is
my friend.")
This, by the way, happened before. I am referring here to
occasional alliances or coalitions between yesterday's Nazis and
yesterday's Communists. It was in Germany's shaky post First World
War democracy, the so-called "Weimar Republic," that Communists
and Nazis organized a strike in Berlin 1932, and were marching
together in demonstrations against the ever weaker forces of
moderation and calm that still existed in the final years of the
Weimar Republic.
Both Nazis and Communists opposed moderate Social-Democrats
I emphasize this important fact again, it was during the
existence of the Weimar Republic, in the decade preceding Hitler's
Third Reich (1923-1933), that both Communists and Nazis discovered
that they shared their revulsion of the existing democratic order
and the moderate Social-Democrats. It was in 1981 that Hermann
Weber, a well known German historian and political scientist,
published a very important study on the strategy and tactics of
the German Communist Party (Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands or
KPD) between 1929 and 1933. During this critical period most
German Communists described the Social-Democrats as
"Social-Fascists," they were perceived as the greater enemy
(Hauptfeind), an enemy worse than the Nazis, that is. This was
also the line followed by the Soviet controlled Communist
International (Comintern) which instructed the German Communist
Party on July 20, 1931, to form an alliance with the Nazis with a
view to bringing about the downfall of Prussia's moderate
Social-Democratic, Centrist and Liberal-Democratic coalition
government. Prussia's Social-Democratic Prime Minister Otto Braun
(1872-1955) was a courageous man who was well aware of the mortal
danger the extremists - Nazis and Communists - posed to democracy
and freedom - not only in Prussia but in Germany as a whole.
It was in the spring of 1931 that the so-called "national
opposition" consisting of Hitler's National Socialist Party
(NSDAP) and German conservative nationals (DNVP, DVP, and a group
referred to as Stahlhelm) proposed to held a plebiscite
(Volksentscheid) on the dissolution of the Prussian Parliament to
bring about the fall of the government. Initially, the DKP
rejected the proposal describing it as "Fascist betrayal of the
people." Soviet Communist Party leader Joseph Stalin did not agree
with this DKP line. Using the channels of the Comintern, Stalin
instructed the German party to adopt a different line.
Consequently, the German Communist Party leadership announced on
July 22, 1931, that they would join what was now suddenly termed a
"Red Referendum."4
In order to achieve a majority vote the Nazis could not do
without Communist participation in the referendum. A unique
Red-Brown alliance had been formed: both Nazis and Communists
marched together in demonstrations against the Social-Democratic
government of Prussia.
In his excellent study on the history of the Socialist
International, Franz Borkenau, observes:
"This was no longer simply the theory of ‘Social-Fascism,' the
belief that there was no difference between Fascism and democracy
and that the Social-Democrats were just as bad as the Nazis...
Their (= the Communists, V.) participation in the Nazi referendum
implied more. It implied the view that to overthrow the last
defense of German democracy, the Prussian government, in
co-operation with the Nazis, meant progress, that a Nazi régime
was preferable to a democratic régime."5
This government, in turn, said the yes-voters had to choose
between Communism and Fascism: "Those who want a Soviet controlled
Prussia or a Fascist controlled Prussia, must take part in the
plebiscite and vote ‘yes.'"6 On the day of the
plebiscite, August 9, 1931, nearly 10 million voters said "yes,"
and nearly 400,000 voters said "no." But the total number of those
who were allowed to vote was 26,587,672. The extremists would have
won if more than 13,3 million voters would have said yes.
Consequently, parliament was not dissolved and Otto Braun
continued to be Prime Minister of Prussia until the summer of 1932
when he was outmanoeuvered by the then federal German Reich
Chancellor (a kind of Prime Minister) Franz von Papen.
On January 30, 1933, NSDAP leader Adolf Hitler became Reich
Chancellor and Von Papen Vice-Chancellor. Soon after this crucial
date in German history - the death of the Weimar Republic - the
Nazi president of the Reichstag, Hermann Göring first became
Interior Minister and later Prime Minister of Prussia, Germany's
most important province. Göring immediately started a brutal
campaign against Communists and Social-Democrats. The Nazis no
longer needed the extremists from the left and persecuted them. (A
similar thing happened in Iran, where Ayatolla Khomeini first
formed a kind of alliance with the Iranian Communist Tudeh party,
but began to persecute them when they were no longer needed; the
Communist Soviet Union also courted the Khomeini regime in
1979/1980.7)
What happened in Prussia also happened on a national level. This
was clear from the voting pattern in the German Reichstag
(National Parliament) and the Prussian Landtag (regional
parliament). In the majority of cases both Nazis and Communists
joined ranks when they were voting in favor or against the issues
confronting them. For example, there were 241 issues to be voted
on in the Reichtstag and the Prussian Landtag in 1929 and 1930. In
140 cases - 70 percent! - Communist and Nazi voting behavior was
identical.8
On October 18, 1930, the German Reichstag rejected a motion of no
confidence proposed by both NSDAP and KPD.9
Heinrich Brüning from the Catholic Center Party (Zentrumpartei)
was Reich Chancellor at the time (until May 1932). Brüning's
Defense Minister Wilhem Groener issued a decree in January 1930
prohibiting any display of sympathy in the armed forces
(Reichswehr) towards the Nazi and the Communist Parties. Groener
argued that both parties advocated the violent overthrow of the
state wishing to replace it by the dictatorship of their party.10
Herman Müller, a Social-Democrat who had been Reich Chancellor
between June 1928 and March 1930, tried to make a speech in the
Reichstag on October 17, 1930. But he was constantly interrupted
in a very aggressive manner by both Communists and Nazis. Even the
Moscow Pravda commented favorably on the Nazi outburts in
parliament, saying that the behavior of the National Socialists
was "much more proletarian" than the behavior of the Social-
Democrats."11
Communists and Nazis were in an exuberant mood after the gains
made by them in the recent September elections. (NSDAP: 18, 3
percent or 107 seats and KPD 13,13 percent or 77 seats; the total
number of seats was 577.)12
After the economic crisis of 1929, both extremist parties would
make significant gains in subsequent elections whereas the
moderate Social-Democratic and centrist parties would be loosing
ground all the time.
Nazis and Communists equally blamed the "capitalist system," and
"Wall Street" for the economic crisis and rising unemployment. The
Nazis blamed "Jewish" bankers and industrialists (das
internationale Finanzjudentum) whom they claimed to be part of a
secret world government. (Similar anti-Semitic conspiracy theories
would later surface in the Arab world and Iran.)
Albert Leo Schlageter: both a Nazi and a Communist "martyr"
(1923)
In May 1923 Communists and Nazis organized joint acts of sabotage
against the occupation of the German Rheinland by the French.13
(In January 1923, Hitler's NSDAP already had 55,000 members.) This
occured after the French executed a popular German resistance
fighter named Albert Leo Schlageter. Although there are
conflicting reports about Schlageter's possible affiliation with
the Nazis,14 both Nazis and Communists equally hailed
him as their hero. The NSDAP and other nationalist parties
organized commemoration ceremonies in Schlageter's birthplace
Schönau on June 10, 1923. In an attempt to build bridges with the
extreme right, Karl Radek, a prominent Soviet member of the
Comintern's Executive Committee (ECCI) who played an important
role in organizing the German Communist movement, hailed praise on
Schlageter in a speech on June 23, 1923:
"All the time I had before my eyes the corpse of the German
Fascist, our class enemy, condemned and shot by... French
imperialism... The fate of this German nationalist martyr should
not be passed over by us in silence, or with a contemptuous
phrase. Schlageter, a courageous soldier of the
counter-revolution, deserves honest and manly esteem from us,
soldiers of the revolution... Schlageter is dead ... At his grave
his comrades vowed to carry on his work."15
Debating an ECCI draft resolution on Fascism, Radek pleaded for
an alliance with "German patriotic circles," a common front
between Communists and revolutionary nationalists "against Entente
and German capital." "On the basis of this speech," Franz Borkenau
writes, "the Communist Party started a so-called Schlageter
campaign, which led to a number of public discussions between
leading Communists and outstanding Nazis about the aims of the
impending German revolution."16
In the early 1930s the German Communist Party followed a
"national Bolshevist strategy" with a view to winning back the
minds of those who had left the Communist ranks and were now
voting for extreme right parties like the NSDAP.17
Nazis and Communists organized a strike in Berlin in 1932
Both Communist and Nazi trade unions played a leading role in
organizing a public transportation strike in Berlin in November
1932. Early November 1932 the "Berliner Verkehrsgesellschaft"
(BVG), a municipal transport organization, announced a cut in
wages. Due to the severe economic crisis there was simply not
enough money to pay all the BVG workers. Parliamentary elections
were scheduled for November 6, and Communist and Nazis expected to
make significant gains if they were to play a leading role in an
anti-BVG strike. The Communist "Revolutionäre
Gewerkschaftsopposition" (RGO) and the Nazi
"Nationalsozialistischen Betriebszellenorganisation" (NSBO) simply
outmanoeuvred the moderate trade unions in the central strike
committee. This was in line with what KPD party chief Ernst
Thälmann had said in October 1932: "When strikes are being
organized in firms and companies, it is absolutely essential and
desirable that Nazis are invited to take part in the Strike
Committees."18
This was part of the "common front strategy from below"
recommended by high ranking Comintern officials.19
Instead of forming alliances with moderate Social-Democrats
(invariably denounced as "Social-Fascists") the Communists joined
ranks with the equally extremist Nazis. Hitler's notoriously
violent SA-men or "brownshirts" and Communists marched together
through the streets of Berlin - even destroying busses whose
drivers had ignored the call to strike.
Paving the way for Hitler's totalitarian rule
In doing so the KPD actively promoted the Weimar Republic's
downfall and, consequently, the party was digging its own grave.
Only three months later would Hitler become Reich Chancellor who
would subsequently open the abyss for all those who underestimated
him. But a number of influential Communists did not see Hitler as
an enemy but as an ally. Dimitry Manuilski, a high ranking Soviet
Comintern functionary in charge of German affairs, addressed a
Comintern meeting on December 15, 1931, saying:
"The chief enemy is not Hitler, the chief enemy is the system of
Severing (Social-Democrat Interior Minister of Prussia, V.),
Brüning (Reich Chancellor), Hindenburg (Reich President). With
Hitler's help will we first destroy the Social-Democratic Party
apparatus as well as the Brüning state apparatus. In the present
phase of the development of the German revolution Hitler
unmistakenably is our ally."20
The Communist Party claimed to be a working-class party, yet it
had repeatedly collaborated with the Fascists and continually
refused to collaborate with the Socialists, Franz Borkenau
correctly observes. Even after the Nazis had begun to bloodily
persecute both Communists and Social-Democrats, German Communists
continued to lay the blame on those who should have been their
allies:
"Thus, while Socialists and Communists went together to the
concentration camps and the Socialist Party was practically
annihilated, the Communists continued to talk of the Socialists as
the ‘Social-Fascists' and regard them as the chief supporters of
the régime, and in consequence as the chief enemy while real, as
opposed to ‘Social' Fascism took second place in their
thoughts.... Their can harldy be any doubt that the party was
partly responsible, together with all other groups of the left,
for what had happened.'21
Social-Democratic "Münchener Post" commented on the parliamentary
elections held on March 5, 1933 (after Hitler became Reich
Chancellor, that is, these were the very last elections Hitler and
his ilk would allow):
"Had it not been for the KPD, Hitler would never have become
Reich Chancellor nor would he have triumphed on March 5. The
leadership of this party installed the hatred of Social-Democrats
into the hearts of millions of workers, and this very hatred now
caused them to flee to the brown ranks of the swastica. Many
Communists who on Saturday were still wearing the Soviet star as
they were walking, manifested themselves as crack new Nazis on
election day."22
A similar thing would occur after the war when Communists took
control of what would later become their "German Democratic
Republic" (Deutsche Demokratische Republik or DDR). Many former
Nazis would quickly join the East German Communist Party and
subsequently even make a career in the party and state apparatus.23
Back in 1933 Stalin was indeed concerned about the brutal
suppression of the German Communist Party, but he was more
interested in maintaining good relations with Nazi Germany.
Hitler, too, was, not immediately interested in dramatic foreign
policy changes that would provoke hostile Soviet reactions.24
Stalin made precisely the same mistake as the German Communists:
he deeply underestimated Hitler.
But there is another interesting aspect which deserves attention.
This is the aspect of the totalitarian mind. The ideologies of
Nazis and Communists differed vastly, but what they did have in
common was their diabolical and totalitarian nature. There is a
psychological mechanism that somehow draws adherents or followers
from completely contradictory ideologies and movements together in
a common struggle against freedom and democracy, indeed against
the West.
Of course, there were many (often violent) clashes between Nazis
and Communists during the years of the Weimar Republic. To portray
them only as allies in a war against freedom is a gross
simplification. After Hitler became Reich Chancellor in 1933, he
quickly set out to persecute the Communists. And in June 1941 he
invaded the Soviet Union, a war Stalin had tried to avoid at all
costs. But it cannot be denied that Communists and Nazis
occasionally formed alliances against those whom they denounced as
common enemies (such as the moderate Social-Democrats), against
democracy. They were using the mechanism of parliamentary
elections to obtain the majority with a view to abolishing freedom
and democracy.
Lessons for today
Today, in the twenty-first century, Fascists, Islamist Fascists
and Communists are again forming alliances against the forces of
freedom and democracy. But the Islamo-Fascists may be stronger
than the Marxists, the Socialists and the Communists. They
eventually prevailed in Iran using Communists, Marxists and naive
leftist students as their allies. Afshin Ellian, a former refugee
from Iran who currently lives in the Netherlands, criticized the
young and enthousiastic leftists - his own generation - who in
1979 dreamt about the revolution, but got the monster of the
Islamic state, darkness and Fascism instead. They talked about Ché
Guevara, Marx and Lenin and cherished illusions about the common
struggle by leftists and followers of the arch-conservative cleric
and Jew-hater Ayatolla Khomeini.25
In the 1990s the same kind of Islamist Fascists prevailed in
Afghanistan over the secular and leftist forces, creating monsters
like Al-Qaeda. Those who give in or allign themselves with these
evil and diabolical forces will sooner or later fall into the same
abyss. There are really naive people like Ken Livingstone, the
mayor of London, who think they can be on friendly terms with the
Islamists from the Muslim Brotherhood, today's Fascists and
Jew-haters in the Middle East, that is. (There is nothing new
under the sun: there were also prominent but naive Englishmen in
the 1930s - so-called "fellow-travelers" - who visited Nazi
Germany just for the sake of being friends with high ranking
Nazis.)
An important Hamas cleric recently said: "We will conquer Rome,
and from there continue to conquer the two Americas and Eastern
Europe.26
This kind of arrogance was only matched by the Nazis and the
Communists who equally wanted to conquer the world. Hamas, by the
way, is the Palestinian branch of the Muslim Brotherhood. The
bitter lessons of the German Weimar Republic, Iran and Afghanistan
should not be forgotten by those who live today.
Emerson Vermaat is an investigative reporter in the
Netherlands specialized in crime, terrorism and European
history. He published a major Dutch study on ideologies
(Communism, Maoism and Nazism) in 1977 and developed a special
interest in Nazi Germany, Russian and East European history and
anti-Semitism.
His website is:
www.emersonvermaat.com.
Notes:
1. Hans Jansen, Van Jodenhaat naar Zelfmoordterrorisme.
Islamisering van het Europees Antisemitisme in het Midden-Oosten
(Heerenveen: Uitgeverij Groen, 2006), p. 736. Professor Jansen
is one of the best Dutch experts on anti-Semitism.
2. Emerson Vermaat, Haj Amin Al-Husseini - Nazi Collaborator
and Model for Today's Islamists, Militant Islam Monitor and
Pipelinenews, February 27, 2008.
3. Ibid.
4. Hermann Weber, Hauptfeind Sozialdemokratie. Strategie und
Taktik der KPD 1929-1933 (Düsseldorf: Droste Verlag, 1981), p.
40; Hagen Schulze, Otto Braun oder Preussens demokratische
Sendung (Frankfurt a.M.: Propyläen Verlag, 1977), p. 664ff;
André Gerrits and Tim Graaf, Sociaal-democraten, communisten en
de ondergang van de democratie, in: Socialisme en Democratie,
April 1983, p. 24ff.; E.H. Carr, Twilight of the Comintern
1930-1935 (New York: Pantheon Books, 1982), p. 42, 46. Der
Freistaat Preussen: Plebiszite
(www.gonschior.de/weimar/Peussen/Volksentscheide.html.)
5. Franz Borkenau, World Communism. A History of the Communist
International (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1983),
p. 342, 343.
6. Hagen Schulze, op. cit. p. 667.
7. On Soviet-Iranian relations between 1979-1981, see Alvin Z.
Rubinstein, Die sowjetisch-iranischen Beziehungen unter
Khomeini, in: Osteuropa, July 1982 (vol. 32, No. 7), p. 558-575.
8. Michael Koth, Rede in Leuna, December 21, 2000
(wws.kds-im-netz.de), Michael Koth is a former high ranking
Communist Party official in East Berlin. He later joined the
controversial "Kampfbund Deutscher Sozialisten" (KDS) which
seeks to build bridges between Socialists, Communists and
(neo)-Nazis. The facts mentioned in Koth's Leuna speech are
largely correct, however, and have been confirmed by others. The
author interviewed Professor P. Valkenburg, a political
scientist from Groningen University, the Netherlands, in 1983.
Dr. Valkenburg told me that Nazis and Communists in the German
Reichstag (Parliament) voted indentically in 70 percent of the
cases.
9. Deutsches Historisches Museum, Chronik 1933
(www.dhm.de/lemo/1930/index.html).
10. Ibid.
11. Michael Koth, op. cit.
12. Das Deutsche Reich. Reichtagswahl 1930
(www.gonschior.de/Weimar/Deutschland/RT5.html).
13. Harry Brinkmeyer, Der 1. deutsche Demokratieversuch -
didaktische Untersuchungen und Reflexionen zur Weimarer
Republik. Das Krisenjahr 1923 (Seminararbeit, 2000, archivnummer
K7479). Mat 26, 123: "Da sich Kommunisten und
Nationalsozialisten auch gemeinsam am Widerstand und
Sabotageakten beteiligen, wird in Teilen beider Parteien über
eine Zusammenarbeit nachgedacht."
14. Stefan Zwicker, Nationale Martyrer. Albert Leo Schlageter
und Julius Fucik. Heldenkult, Propaganda, Erinnerungskultur
(Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh Verlag, 2006), p. 51.
15. Jane Degras, The Communist International 1919-1943.
Documents (London: Frank Cass & Co. Ltd, 1971), Vol II
(1923-1928), p. 39; Harry Brinkmeyer, op. cit. June 20, 1923:
"Er (Radek) beabsichtigt einen Brückenschlag zum rechten
Radikalismus."
16. Franz Borkenau, op. cit., p. 246.
17. Getrennt marschieren, vereint schlagen?
Nationalrevolutionäre Ideologie und Strategie.
(www.trend.infopartisan.net/trd0203/t130203.html).
18. Streik bei der Berliner Verkehrsgesellschaft
(
http://de.wikpedia.org/wiki/streik_bei_der_Berliner_Verkehrsgellschaft).
On Commnunist strategy and tactics during this strike, see also:
Heinz August Winkler, Der Weg in die Katastrophe. Arbeiter und
Arbeiterbewegung in der Weimarer Republik 1930-1933 (Dietz
Verlag Bonn, 1990), p. 765-775.
19. Kommunistischer Widerstand 1933-1945
(ww.ddr.biogafien.de): "Sozialfaschisten." "Die von ihr (=KPD)
seit 1932 verfolgte Linie von ‘Einheitsfront von unten..."' "Die
SPD wurde als soziale Hauptstütze der Bourgeoisie und als
Hauptfeind auf dem Weg zur proletarischen Revolution gesehen."
20. Quoted in: Rheinischer Merkur, July 28, 1978, see: Konrad
Löw, Warum fasziniert der Kommunismus? Eine systematische
Untersuchung (Cologne: Institut der Deutschen
Wirtschaft/Deutscher Insituts-Verlag, 1983), p. 199.
21. Franz Borkenau, op. cit., p. 378, 379.
22. Münchener Post, March 6, 1933, quoted in: Konrad Löw, op.
cit., p. 198.
23. Olaf Kappelt, Braunbuch DDR. Nazis in der DDR (Berlin:
Elisabeth Reichmann Verlag, 1981). One of these former Nazis in
East Germany was Michael Kohl. He was a member of the "Hitler
Youth" (HJ) and his father was an active Nazi Party member until
the collapse of the Third Reich. Officially, this should have
been a reason to prevent Kohl from joining the East German
Communist Party and making a career in the state apparatus of
the GDR (or DDR). But the Soviets protected him, he had possibly
been recruited by the KGB soon after the war. He would later
play an important role as East German Deputy Minister of Foreign
Affairs. (See page 260, 261.)
24. Gustav Hilger, Wir und der Kreml. Deutsch-sowjetische
Beziehungen 1918-1941. Erinnerungen eines deutschen Diplomaten
(Frankfurt am M./Berlin: Alfred Metzner Verlag, 1955), p. 241,
243 ("Dies äusserte sich unter anderem in wiederholten
Beteurerungen des Aussenkommisariats, dass die Sowjetregierung
auf die Aufrechterhaltung guter Beziehungen zu Deutschland
grösseren Wert lege."), p. 244, 254 ("Demgegenüber gab Hitler im
Frühjahr 1933 in mehreren Erklärungen bekannt, dass die deutsche
Politik gegenüber der Sowjetunion unverändert bleibe."), p. 251
(Hitler: "Der Kampf gegen den Kommunismus in Deutschland ist
unsere innere Angelegenheit... Die staatspolitischen Beziehungen
zu anderen Mächten, mit dem uns gemeinsamen Interessen
verbinden, werden davon nicht berührt."). See also: Thomas
Weingartner, Stalin und der Aufstieg Hitlers. Die
Deutschlandpolitik der Sowjetunion und der Kommunistischen
Internationale 1929-1924 (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter & Co.,
1970), p. 118, 168, 198-202.
25. Afshin Ellian, Springlevende tirannie, in: NRC
Handelsblad, January 9, 2007, p. 15 ("De oorspronkelijk
links-liberale revolutie droeg, onzichtbaar, een monster met
zich mee: de islamitische staat." See also: Afshin Ellian,
Brieven van een Pers. Over Nederland en islamitisch kannibalisme
(Amsterdam: JM. Meulenhoff, 2005), p. 155, 166 ("De teksten van
onder andere Ché Guevara, Lenin en de oude, activistische Marx
vormden de intellectuele bagage van jongeren die de tirannie van
de sjah wilden vervangen door vrijheid..."), p. 168, 223.
26. Yunis Al-Astal, Gaza, Al-Aqsa TV, April 11, 2008
(www.memritv.org/clip_transcript/en/1739.htm).
Статья опубликована:
https://www.pipelinenews.org/2008/apr/27/nazi-communist-collaboration-in-germany-during-the.html
http://www.militantislammonitor.org/pf.php?id=3438 Представляет краткое изложение соотв. частей книги автора (на
голландском языке)
"Нацисты,
коммунисты и исламисты. Альянсы между экстремистами".
Emerson Vermaat
"Nazis, Communists and Islamists. Remarkable Alliances
Between Extremists"
"Nazi’s, communisten en islamisten"
Preface: Prof. Dr. Bob Smalhout, MD
This well documented study shows how the extremes often touch.
It was during the German Weimar Republic in 1920s and early
1930s that Nazis and Communists occasionally formed alliances
against moderate Social Democrats. German Communists did not
hesitate to depict Social Democrasts as “Social Fascists,”
enemies worse and more dangerous than the Nazis themselves. They
even continued to do so for some time after Hitler came to power
in January 1933 and the Nazis began to persecute both Communists
and Social Democrats.
It was in August 1939 that Stalin and Hitler decided to
conclude a “Non Agression Pact” followed by a “Border and
Friendschip Treaty” at the end of September. Between 1939 and
June 1941 Communist Russia supplied Nazi Germany with oil and
other commodities Gemany desperately needed to continue the war.
Stalin’s Foreign Minister Molotov even agreed with the Nazi
conquests of Denmark, Norway, Holland, Belgium and France.
Between September 1939 and June 1941 Communist Parties all over
the world were instructed by Moscow to drop their criticism of
Nazi Germany. In France a few young Communists were even
involved in acts of sabotage with a view to weakening the French
defence effort.
The Nazis also cooperated with radical Muslims from the Middle
East. Many Muslims sympathized with the Nazi cause and hoped for
a Nazi victory. Nazi Germany granted asylum to two important
Arab leaders, Grand Mufti Haj Amin Al-Husseini and former Iraqi
Prime Minister Rachid el-Kailani. Al-Husseini subsequently
closely cooperated with Heinrich Himmler, the so-called
“Reichsführer SS,” and Adolf Eichmann, the fanatical Jew hater
who coordinated the Holocaust. Al-Husseini was among those who
were responsible for sending more than 19,000 Jewish children to
the gas chambers. The Grand Mufti actively supported the Nazi
cause in the 1930s and received money from them. Not only was he
responsible for the death of numerous Jewish immigrants in the
former British mandate of Palestine, also did he clash with
moderate Palestinians who rejected his views on sharia and
jihad.
[...]
По теме продвижения советской политикой восхождения
национал-социализма в Германии:
http://oboguev.livejournal.com/1999887.html