Дело принципа

[tijd]

Акроним MICE (Money, Ideology, Compromise, Ego) для объяснения принципов вербовки агентов ввел в обиход перебежчик из КГБ Станислав Левченко.

The KGB employs directly 250,000 people. Counting the agency's outside informants, there is a total of more than one million people who keep track of everybody else, says Mr. Levchenko, a K.G.B. agent from 1971 to 1979. The number may even be higher. In every social group of five or so people, a Russian emigre once told me, you have to assume that one of your friends is telling on you or on someone else in the same group.
During the second half of his K.G.B. career, Mr. Levchenko, now 46 years old, was assigned to Japan, which was an important Russian base for intelligence gathering on American technological secrets. His job was to recruit those Japanese scientists and engineers whose regular visits to the United States gave them access to classified American technology.
In seeking K.G.B. recruits in Japan, Mr. Levchenko says, a potential agent's vulnerability was measured by an American acronym known to intelligence agencies the world over - MICE, for money, ideology, compromise and ego. ''Whenever an intelligence officer evaluates the weakness of a target,'' he writes, ''he always starts with MICE.'' From Mr. Levchenko's experience one might say that Japanese engineers and corporate executives seem to have been highly susceptible to a mix of MICE.
https://www.nytimes.com/1988/06/26/books/defectors-debriefing-themselves.html

Изначально Левченко был осторожен в раскрытии секретов, но Родина заставила выйти его на тропу войны.

Levchenko had secretly become a Christian, and had grown disenchanted with the Soviet system. Yet, when he defected and was taken over by the CIA debriefers, he provided only minimal information at first.
Two telephone calls to Moscow in 1980 changed that. Both were to his wife, Natalia, whom the KGB had thrown out of work and nearly starved to death. Levchenko's son had been ostracized at school, and had developed high blood pressure and a stomach disorder.
On the second call, Levchenko's wife told him, in a faint voice, that she had shrunk from 120 to 90 pounds. "I am without hope," she said. "I am lost. I am only a grain of sand."
That did it. Levchenko declared war on the KGB that day. He briefed the CIA 12 hours a day, seven days a week. He unraveled the KGB's entire Tokyo spy network, painstakingly built up over decades.
https://www.nytimes.com/1985/04/20/us/trial-opens-for-emigre-couple-accused-of-spying-for-russia-with-an-fbi-agent.html



К охоте КГБ на Левченко была подключена Светлана Огородникова - подруга Ричарда Миллера из ФБР (завербованного на буквах M и C из MICE).

She later told F.B.I. agents other than Mr. Miller or Mr. Hunt that on a trip to Moscow that month she was intensely interrogated and assigned to find Stanislav Levchenko, who Mr. Kendall called "one of the highest ranking K.G.B. agents ever to defect to the United States."
The role of an unindicted co-conspirator was also emphasized by the prosecutor. An audiotape supplemented with videotaped subtitles was played of a conversation on Sept. 11, 1984, between Mrs. Ogorodnikov and Aleksandr Grishin, a Soviet consular official in San Francisco, who was indicted but because of his diplomatic iimmunity has not been prosecuted. Mr. Kendall said that Mr. Grishin has been identified by the Government as an officer of the K.G.B.'s "line K.R, the department responsible for penetrating the F.B.I."
The prosecutor said Mr. Grishin, using simple code words in the conversation, gave his approval for Mrs. Ogorodnikov to take Mr. Miller to meet ranking K.G.B. officials in Europe.
https://www.nytimes.com/1985/04/20/us/trial-opens-for-emigre-couple-accused-of-spying-for-russia-with-an-fbi-agent.html

Левченко из первых рук рассказал американцам про " активные мероприятия" КГБ, в том числе про "агентов влияния" и журналистов, которых лично вербовал в Японии. Это привело к созданию в администрации Рейгана Active Measures Working Group.

In the summer of 1981, the CIA was making Levchenko available to State and other officials in order to educate them about Soviet goals and active measures techniques (see textbox 5). About the same time, a less classified version (Secret as opposed to Top Secret/Codeword) of the CIA’s study on Soviet active measures began circulating. The Secret version of the study had a press run of 3,000 copies-“perhaps the largest distribution of any CIA report” up to that point. Both Levchenko and the CIA study were useful tools for calling attention to the Soviet propaganda, diplomatic, and active measures campaigns. <...> Most people in State believed that even blatant disinformation, including forgeries, was better left ignored. Within this environment, Levchenko became a key and credible resource for convincing otherwise skeptical State personnel that Soviet disinformation was not just a marginal concern and that it needed to be countered. His insights helped Lenczowski and Palmer sell their program for public diplomacy modernization, and also helped the Active Measures Working Group understand how Soviet disinformation campaigns worked.
https://apps.dtic.mil/dtic/tr/fulltext/u2/a577586.pdf



Аббревиатура MICE упускает из внимания важную часть вербовки - закрепление. Как говорится в соответствующей методичке, «Вербовка закрепляется прежде всего путём постановки перед привлеченным к сотрудничеству лицом конкретных разведывательных заданий, выполнение которых связано с нарушением им юридических или моральных норм своей страны.»

Если объект по собственной воле не совершает действий "с нарушением им юридических или моральных норм своей страны", есть вероятность, что вербовка сорвется - в объекте проснется принципиальность, и он соскочит с крюка.

На днях принципиальность проявил завербованный, казалось бы, на букве I судья Верховного суда Нил Горсач. В соответсвии с принципом текстуализма он рассудил, что упомянутое в законе слово "sex" распространяется на защиту от дискриминации людей нетрадиционной сексуальной ориентации или гендерной идентификации. В решении суда, написанном рукой Горсача, говорится: "Today, we must decide whether an employer can fire someone simply for being homosexual or transgender. The answer is clear. An employer who fires an individual for being homosexual or transgender fires that person for traits or actions it would not have questioned in members of a different sex. Sex plays a necessary and undisguisable role in the decision, exactly what Title VII forbids."

Lawyer for plaintiffs in SCOTUS' LGBTQ case explains why they won: The justices "took the text of Title VII seriously." pic.twitter.com/CyCwjGvnFn
- TPM Livewire (@TPMLiveWire) June 15, 2020

В решении Горсача сыграла роль супер-адвокат Памела Карлан.

Когда в декабре 2019 Карлан давала показания во время импичмента, вопросы ей от имени юридической комиссии Конгресса задавал Норм Эйсен - одноклассник Горсача и Обамы по Гарвардской юридической школе.

I was sitting in counsel chair when Pam Karlan suggested that if we let Trump get away with extorting Zelensky he would do it to our governors next. A chill ran thru the room. https://t.co/Dn5r9yq1ZY
- Norm Eisen (@NormEisen) May 20, 2020

Другим их одноклассником был Кен Мелман, руководитель успешной избирательной кампании Буша в 2004.

Congrats to my former HLS housemate and forever friend Neil #gorsuch on #SCOTUS nomination. Neil is a fair minded gentleman and scholar
- Ken Mehlman (@MehlmanKen) February 1, 2017

Кампания 2004 была грязной. Роджер Стоун сбивал с дистанции Говарда Дина и подкидывал фальшивки в прессу. Его приятель Джером Корси работал над спецоперацией по распространению вранья про Керри, которая обогатила политтехнологию термином Swiftboating.

Но главной инновацией Мелмана стало изобретение микротаргетинга. Через десять лет это изобретение полностью реализует свой потенциал в соединении с алгоритмами Machine Learning из Фейсбука..

"If you drive a Volvo and you do yoga, you are pretty much a Democrat," Mr. Mehlman told an assembly of the nation's Republican governors here. "If you drive a Lincoln or a BMW and you own a gun, you're voting for George Bush."
This very bottom-line characterization by Mr. Mehlman, who is in line to become the new chairman of the Republican National Committee, came in the midst of a report on the Bush campaign that was at times boastful and at times revealing, as he described unusual methods that he said accounted for much of Mr. Bush's 3.5-million-vote margin of victory over Senator John Kerry.
For example, Mr. Mehlman, in discussing a get-out-the-vote operation that surprised Democrats in many parts of the country on Election Day, said the Republicans had moved away from traditional operations, adopting the tactics of corporate America to identify potential Bush supporters.
Rather than dispatching troops to knock on doors in neighborhoods known to be heavily Republican, Mr. Mehlman said, the Bush campaign studied consumer habits in trying to predict whom people would vote for in a presidential election.
"We did what Visa did," Mr. Mehlman said. "We acquired a lot of consumer data. What magazine do you subscribe to? Do you own a gun? How often do the folks go to church? Where do you send your kids to school? Are you married?
"Based on that, we were able to develop an exact kind of consumer model that corporate America does every day to predict how people vote -- not based on where they live but how they live," he said. "That was critically important to our success."
He said that is what led him to the conclusion that supporters of Mr. Kerry had a preference for Volvos over Lincolns, and yoga over guns.
https://www.nytimes.com/2004/11/19/politics/bush-campaign-manager-views-the-electoral-divide.html



Следуя примеру своего папы, который подобным образом вознаградил Ли Этуотера, Буш-младший после победы на выборах сделал Мелмана главой республиканской партии (RNC).

В 2010 Мелман вышел из клозета и подтвердил слухи о своей гомосексуальности, которые до этого отрицал. В дальнейшем он помогал борьбе за легализацию однополых браков. Разворот достойный последователя Артура Финкельштейна, обвенчавшегося со своим партнером в Массачусетсе вскоре после переизбрания Буша.

Платформа республиканской партии, принятая в 2004, призывала к принятию конституционной поправки, которая запрещала бы подобные браки:

"We strongly support President Bush's call for a Constitutional amendment that fully protects marriage, and we believe that neither federal nor state judges nor bureaucrats should force states to recognize other living arrangements as equivalent to marriage. We believe, and the social science confirms, that the well-being of children is best accomplished in the environment of the home, nurtured by their mother and father anchored by the bonds of marriage. We further believe that legal recognition and the accompanying benefits afforded couples should be preserved for that unique and special union of one man and one woman which has historically been called marriage."
https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/2004-republican-party-platform



Более того, именно педалирование этого вопроса помогло Бушу выиграть Огайо - ключевой штат для его переизбрания.

The gay marriage ban carried Ohio with 61% of the vote, while Bush eked out the Buckeye State with 51%, his smallest margin of victory in any major state. Had Bush not carried Ohio and its 20 Electoral College votes, he would not have won reelection.
In a state contest that close, any number of factors are potentially decisive. However, one set of Ohio findings from the VNS exit poll is especially intriguing. Even though Bush improved his overall share of the vote in Ohio by just one percentage point from 2000 (50%) to 2004 (51%), he registered much bigger gains among three groups that strongly oppose gay marriage - blacks (Bush got 16% of the black vote in Ohio in 2004, up from 9% in 2000); those who attend church more than once a week (Bush got 69% of those votes in 2004, up from 52% in 2000) and voters ages 65 and older (58% in 2004, up from 46% in 2000).
Nationally, by contrast, his percentage of the black vote grew only modestly (by two percentage points) from 2000 to 2004, his percentage of the vote among more-than-once-a-week church goers by even less (one percentage point) and his percentage among older voters by 5 percentage points.
So even though the voting patterns across the 11 gay-marriage-ban states provides scant grist for the theory that the initiatives helped swing the 2004 presidential race, this closer look at Ohio - where (not incidentally) the Bush campaign invested heavily in get-out-the-vote activities organized in part through black and evangelical churches - suggests that the gay marriage ban initiative might have played a pivotal role, after all.
https://www.pewresearch.org/2006/07/26/wedge-issues-on-the-ballot/

К избирательной кампании в Огайо Мелман привлек своего друга и однокашника Горсача. Отрывок из слушаний об утверждении Горсаче в Сенате, с участием бывшего сенатора Франкена:

Senator Franken: Mr. Mehlman was your law school roommate, and at the time you emailed him, he was the Chairman of the Republican National Committee. You had just interviewed for a job at the Department of Justice, and you wanted him to put in a good word. So he did.
Mr. Mehlman emailed the White House, and he wrote, "Neil is a wonderful guy, was my law school roommate, did the 72-hour effort in Ohio for us, and was part of Lawyers for Bush." Mr. Mehlman wrote, "He is a true loyalist."
Now again, being politically active or a loyal Republican are not disqualifying characteristics for a Supreme Court nominee, not in my book anyway. Let us think back to the 2004 election. Let us look at Ohio, where you volunteered.
Ohio is one of 11 States in 2004 where Republicans working to support the re-election campaign also worked to put anti-gay marriage amendments on the ballot. These State constitutional
amendments passed, all 11 of them. The text varied State by State, but generally, the amendments defined marriage as being between a man and a woman. The amendments sent a clear message to lesbian and gay couples that their unions were not equal in the eyes of the law.
Now you were a campaign worker in Ohio. You were a member of the group Lawyers for Bush-Cheney. As a lawyer and as a student of the Constitution, how did you feel about the right to marry being put to a popular vote?
Judge Gorsuch: Senator, I do not recall any involvement in that issue during that campaign. I remember going to Ohio----
Senator Franken: Were you aware of that issue at all?
Judge Gorsuch: Oh, certainly, I was aware of it.
Senator Franken: And how did you feel about it?
Judge Gorsuch: Well, Senator, my personal views? Any revelation of my personal views about this matter would indicate to people how I might rule as a judge, mistakenly, but it might. And I have to be concerned about that.
Senator Franken: These discriminatory amendments were part of a deliberate effort to drive up the turnout, and we know that because--we know that because your friend Ken Mehlman said so. Mr. Mehlman was interviewed by The Atlantic in 2010 and said that the Bush campaign had "been working with the Republican to make sure that anti-gay initiatives and referenda
would appear on November ballots in 2004 and 2006 to help Republicans."
Now to be clear, there is nothing to suggest that you were involved in crafting that strategy. But at the time, this tactic received a lot of attention, including in Ohio, where you worked on the campaign. It has a profound impact on people's lives.
But a lot has changed. Since 2004, Mr. Mehlman announced publicly that he is gay, for one. He also voiced regret about what happened. He apologized. He said, "At a personal level, I wish I had spoken out against the effort. As I have been involved in the fight for marriage equality, one of the things I have learned is how many people were harmed by the campaigns in which I was involved. I apologize to them and tell them I am sorry." That is a brave thing to say. It is hard to admit regret. Mr. Mehlman had a personal connection to the issue, to be sure. But our country has come a long way in a relatively short amount of time. A lot of folks have changed their view about marriage equality, Republicans and Democrats alike.
In the meantime, the Supreme Court has settled this issue. Marriage equality is now the law of the land. So you should not have any problem answering this question. How have your views of marriage equality changed, if at all, since the 2004 election?
Judge Gorsuch: Senator, my personal views, if I were to begin speaking about my personal views on this subject, which every American has views on, would send a misleading signal to the American people that my----
Senator Franken: It is settled law.
Judge Gorsuch: It is absolutely settled law. There is ongoing litigation about its impact and its application right now, and I cannot begin to share my personal views without suggesting mistakenly to people----
Senator Franken: Okay. Can I move on to something else then? Thank you.
https://www.c-span.org/video/?c4662443/sen-franken-questions-judge-gorsuch



В период, когда Мелман возглавлял RNC (2005-2007), Буш в обход Сената назначил Джона Болтона послом США в ООН. Свой предыдущий пост (Under Secretary of State for Arms Control and International Security Affairs), который позволил ему наточить бюрократические зубы, Болтон получил в награду за помощь на выборах - в 2000 он сыграл центральную роль в критичном пересчете голосов во Флориде.

“I’m with the Bush-Cheney team, and I’m here to stop the count.”
Those were the words John Bolton yelled as he burst into a Tallahassee library on Saturday, Dec. 9, 2000, where local election workers were recounting ballots cast in Florida’s disputed presidential race between George W. Bush and Al Gore.
Bolton was one of the pack of lawyers for the Republican presidential ticket who repeatedly sought to shut down recounts of the ballots from Florida counties before those counts revealed that Gore had actually won the state’s electoral votes and the presidency.
The December 9 intervention was Bolton’s last and most significant blow against the democratic process.
The Florida Supreme Court had ordered a broad recount of ballots in order to finally resolve the question of who won the state. But Bolton and the Bush-Cheney team got their Republican allies on the U.S. Supreme Court to block the review. Fearing that each minute of additional counting would reveal the reality of voter sentiments in Florida, Bolton personally rushed into the library to stop the count.
Bolton was in South Korea when it became clear that the Nov. 7, 2000, election would be decided in Florida. At the behest of former Secretary of State James Baker, who fronted the Bush-Cheney team during the Florida fight, Bolton winged his way to Palm Beach, where he took the lead in challenging ballots during that county’s recount. Then, when the ballots from around the state were transported to Tallahassee for the recount ordered by the state Supreme Court, Bolton followed them.
It was there that he personally shut down the review of ballots from Miami-Dade County, a populous and particularly contested county where independent reviews would later reveal that hundreds of ballots that could reasonably have been counted for Gore were instead discarded.
https://www.thenation.com/article/archive/john-bolton-vs-democracy/



Болтон пробрался в ООН неслучайно - он был членом "Shadow Network" ( Council for National Policy) и питомцем их лидера Джесси Хелмса, представителя параноидально-конспирологического крыла, которое боролось с ООН, как с исчадием Сатаны и Антихриста. Чтобы отделить Болтона от неоконов, Сидни Блюменталь называет его "неопримитив".

Bolton is an extraordinary combination of political operator and ideologue. He began his career as a cog in the machine of Senator Jesse Helms of North Carolina, helping his political action committees evade legal restrictions and federal fines. Helms, the most powerful reactionary in the Senate, sponsored Bolton's rise to Reagan's justice department. "John Bolton," Helms said, "is the kind of man with whom I would want to stand at Armageddon, or what the Bible describes as the final battle between good and evil."
Bolton is often called a neoconservative, but he is more their ally, implementer and agent. His roots are in Helms's Dixiecrat Republicanism, not the neocons' airy Trotskyism or Straussianism.
Bolton is a specimen of the "primitives", as Truman's secretary of state Dean Acheson called the unilateralists and McCarthyites of the early cold war. Through his political integration into the neocon apparatus, Bolton might be properly classified a neoprimitive.
At the state department, Bolton was Colin Powell's enemy within. In his first year, he forced the US withdrawal from the anti-ballistic missile treaty, destroyed a protocol on enforcing the biological weapons convention, and ousted the head of the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons. He scuttled the nuclear test ban treaty and the UN conference on the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons. And he was behind the renunciation of the US signature on the 1998 Rome statute creating the international criminal court. He described sending his letter notifying the UN secretary general, Kofi Annan, as "the happiest moment of my government service".
Bolton's meddling in diplomacy on nonproliferation with North Korea and Iran guaranteed that the allies had no unified position and encouraged the Koreans and Iranians to play the nuclear card. Bolton's response to these crises has been to lead the charge to remove the UN head of the International Atomic Energy Agency, Mohamed ElBaradei. In late November, Bolton denounced the Blair government and the Europeans negotiating with the Iranians as "soft" for attempting "diplomatic means".
Bolton might be granted the integrity of his primitivism, a true believer who imagines Fortress America besieged by the UN and Europeans - "Americanists find themselves surrounded by small armies of globalists, each tightly clutching a favourite new treaty or multilateralist proposal". But Bolton's coarse ideology is advanced by sophisticated campaigns of disinformation - and not only on Iraq and North Korea. His leaks of falsehoods that Syria and Cuba had developed weapons of mass destruction sparked internal revolts by intelligence professionals and the foreign service.
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2005/mar/10/usa.comment



В 2000 Хелмс пошел на беспрецедентный шаг, лично явившись для чтения нотаций на заседание СБ ООН. Представители других стран отнеслись к его выступлению без должного почтения.

Mr. Helms, a Republican from North Carolina and the most powerful Congressional voice in foreign policy as chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, contended that Congress had the right to dictate conditions for the payment of American debts to the organization. He warned the United Nations to keep its "utopian" visions away from American sovereignty.
"If the United Nations respects the sovereign rights of the American people, and serves them as an effective tool of diplomacy, it will earn and deserve their respect and support," he told council members. "But a United Nations that seeks to impose its presumed authority on the American people, without their consent, begs for confrontation and -- I want to be candid with you -- eventual U.S. withdrawal."
In his speech, Mr. Helms, asserting that he was speaking for the American people delivered a clear-cut conservative manifesto on the United Nations, and did not leave anything open for compromise. <...>
Peter van Walsum, the representative of the Netherlands, told Mr. Helms that he had been taught in school that the collapse of the League of Nations, which the United States had refused to join, had led to World War II. "I am mentioning this," he said, "because you will realize that for not just Dutchmen of my generation but for all of us, it is a nightmare to envision a United Nations without the United States.
"We continue to hope that one day the majority of the American people, including the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, will appreciate everything this organization has done for the spread of democratic ideas all over the world," he said. "All the American and Dutch taxpayers' money spent on this organization has been a wise investment."
https://www.nytimes.com/2000/01/21/world/helms-in-visit-to-un-offers-harsh-message.html

В это время Хелмс был в зените своего могущества, но оно продолжалось не слишком долго - в 2001, после ухода Чейни из Сената в вице-президенты, большинство качнулось в сторону демократов, и пришлось передавать Джо Байдену бразды руководства комиссией по международным отношениям. В 2002 Хелмс не стал балотироваться на шестой срок и ушел на пенсию.

"It's no secret that Ronald Reagan was my favorite President" - Jesse Helms. Like & Retweet. #OTD #RonaldReagan @ronaldreagan40 pic.twitter.com/FIyL0Ll7y4
- Senator Jesse Helms (@HelmsCenter) June 5, 2017

Главным  вкладом Хелмса в историю останется создание, с помощью Финкельштейна и других деятелей, адской машины политтехнологии, которая сыграла ключевую роль в победе Рейгана в 1980. После того, как он использовал эту машину для своего собственного переизбрания в 1978, Хелмс привел к победе своего протеже Джона Иста, руководители предтечи трампизма Сэма Фрэнсиса. Ист покончил с собой в 1986.

Помимо ООН, предметом параноидального помешательства для John Birch Society и CNP было соглашение о Панамском канале. Хелмс продолжал вставлять палки в панамские дела при президенте Буше, к раздражению его администрации.

As the debate over Panama policy continues in the capital, President Bush and his aides still seem puzzled over how to manage their basic political problem: a fierce disagreement between the White House and Senator Jesse Helms. Mr. Helms, a North Carolina Republican, often finds himself alone in his crusades. But White House aides privately acknowledge that this time he has caused serious problems, setting the tone for many lawmakers who have foregone their usual impulse to close ranks behind the President at a time of foreign crisis.
"We find it perplexing," a White House official said. "The President has campaigned for him. We work with Jesse. He still comes over to see Bush."
Throughout the last week, Senator Helms has deployed a personal intelligence network of Panamanians and some conservatives within the Government, exerting a considerable gravitational pull on the pace of official disclosures about Panama. At times, he has almost dictated that pace, supplementing speeches on the Senate floor with press interviews. <...>
It remains unclear to Bush Administration officials precisely what motivates Senator Helms. "The most logical assumption is ideological, just because that motivates him on so many things," a White House official said.
https://www.nytimes.com/1989/10/12/world/furor-over-panama-it-s-helms-vs-white-house.html

Но в 1980 панамская фишка особенно пригодилась и легка под руку для избрания Иста и других республиканских сенаторов.

Mr. Morgan was a moderate Democrat whose Senate voting record was ranked higher by the American Conservative Union than by the liberal Americans for Democratic Action. But his votes on the Panama Canal were his undoing. As he sought re-election in 1980, his Republican challenger, John P. East, attacked him on the issue throughout the campaign, largely through television commercials.
Mr. East’s campaign was run by allies of Senator Jesse Helms, the state’s senior Republican and an intense foe of giving up the canal, and the attacks were sometimes personal. In one ad, Mr. Helms questioned Mr. Morgan’s Christian faith.
Mr. East’s victory, by only 10,401 votes out of more than 900,000 cast, was one of at least five Senate elections that turned on the issue of the Panama Canal and helped give President Ronald Reagan the first Republican majority in the Senate since 1955 as he entered office, having turned back Jimmy Carter’s bid for re-election. The Republican votes in the Senate were a critical element in Mr. Reagan’s legislative successes. <...>
Some of the personal attacks of the 1980 campaign rankled him, especially the role of Mr. Helms, whom Mr. Morgan had not campaigned against in 1978 during Mr. Helms’s own re-election run. Mr. Helms said in a television commercial that the election of Mr. East, a Methodist, was necessary so that the state would be represented by “a real Christian.”
In the spring of 1978, Mr. Morgan, an active Baptist, had urged his coreligionists to remain true to their commitment to separation of church and state and not to invoke religion “on matters on which reasonable men may differ.”
https://www.nytimes.com/2016/07/19/us/robert-b-morgan-senator-undone-by-his-panama-canal-votes-dies-at-90.html



Сенатское болъшинство в Сенате обеспечило Рейгану в подборе кадров для его администрации. Среди этих кадров была и Энн Горсач - мать будущего судьи, назначенная на пост главы EPA. Она переехала с детьми и новым мужем из Колорадо в Вашингтон. 14-летний Нил пошел в иезуитскую Georgetown Preparatory School, где вел себя несколько скромнее, чем любитель пива Бретт Кавано.

Назначение было неслучайным - его пробивал Джозеф Коорс, внук и наследник Адольфа Коорса, иммигранта из Германии и основателя колорадской пивной династии. Младший Коорс был один из ключевых членов и спонсоров JBS и CNP. На его деньги была открыта Heritage Foundation, которая продолжает активную деятельность.

A Reagan supporter since the late 1960s, he became a powerful presence in Washington overnight when Reagan became president in 1981. He successfully pushed the hiring of Coloradoans, and he lobbied for the appointment of James G. Watt as secretary of the interior.
With a $250,000 grant in the early 1970s, he helped start the Heritage Foundation, which sponsored influential papers on defense and economics that shaped many of the Reagan administration's policies.
He also was a major backer of the John Birch Society, the Free Congress Foundation and groups that funneled money to conservative congressional candidates.
https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/local/2003/03/18/joseph-coors-sr-85-dies/fc026a48-3ae3-479d-8e4c-d5ecdbe7c808/



Назначения под давлением Коорса колорадцев на природоохранные посты в администрацию Рейгана закончилось плачевным образом.

Coors handpicked his Colorado associates: Anne Gorsuch became the EPA administrator; her husband, Robert Burford, a cattle baron who had vowed to destroy the Bureau of Land Management, was selected to head that very agency. Most notoriously, Coors chose James Watt, the president of the Mountain States Legal Foundation, as the Secretary of the Interior. Watt was a proponent of "dominion theology," an authoritarian Christian heresy that advocates man's duty to "subdue" nature. His deep faith in laissez-faire capitalism and apocalyptic Christianity led Watt to set about dismantling his department and distributing its assets rather than managing them for future generations. During a Senate hearing, he cited the approaching Apocalypse to explain why he was giving away America's sacred places at fire-sale prices: "I do not know how many future generations we can count on before the Lord returns."
Meanwhile, Anne Gorsuch gutted the EPA's budget by 60 per cent, crippling its ability to write regulations or enforce the law. She appointed lobbyists fresh from their stints in paper, asbestos, chemical and oil companies to run each of the principal agency departments. Her chief counsel was an Exxon lawyer; her head of enforcement was from General Motors.
These attacks on the environment precipitated a public revolt. By 1983, more than a million Americans and all 125 American-Indian tribes had signed a petition demanding Watt's removal. After being forced out of office, Watt was indicted on 25 felony counts of influence-peddling. Gorsuch and 23 of her cronies were forced to resign following a congressional investigation of sweetheart deals with polluters, including Coors. Her first deputy, Rita Lavelle, was jailed for perjury.
https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/americas-war-on-nature-81029.html

When she was forced to step down, her reputation in tatters, young Neil was furious.
“You should never have resigned,” he told his mother, Anne Gorsuch Burford, by her later account. “You didn’t do anything wrong. You only did what the president ordered. Why are you quitting? You raised me not to be a quitter. Why are you a quitter?”
More than three decades later, Judge Gorsuch, a federal appeals court judge in Denver, has been nominated to the Supreme Court by President Trump and faces a political culture even more caustic than the one that destroyed his mother’s public career. Like her, he is a committed conservative and can expect strong opposition, but where she was bold and brash, he has advanced to the pinnacle of the judiciary with understatement and polish.
https://www.nytimes.com/2017/02/04/us/politics/neil-gorsuch-supreme-court-nominee.html



Как бы то ни было, Нил Горсач оказался меньшим фанатиком, чем от него ожидалось, и сумел проявить принципиальность.

Вербовка Джона Болтона по принципу MICE, которая включала в себя, казалось бы, все буквы из этого акронима, таже не была надлежащим образом "закреплена". А его профессиональное рвение перепутали с фанатизмом. В украинской афере Трампа Болтон сумел остановиться перед гранью нарушения "юридических или моральных норм своей страны" и соскочить с крюка лояльности.

Отрывок из книги Болтона про встречу в Хельсинки:

Trump really wanted Putin to visit Washington, which the Russians had no intention of doing, and we had been skirmishing over Helsinki and Vienna as possible meeting venues. Russia pushed Vienna, and we pushed Helsinki, but it turned out Trump didn’t favor Helsinki. “Isn’t Finland kind of a satellite of Russia?” he asked. (Later that same morning, Trump asked Kelly if Finland was part of Russia.) I tried to explain the history but didn’t get very far before Trump said he too wanted Vienna. “Whatever they [the Russians] want. Tell them we’ll do whatever they want.” After considerable further jockeying, however, we agreed on Helsinki. <...>
Trump mostly complained about Jeff Sessions for his latest transgression, saying he had “lost his mind.” The substantive discussion we did have centered on Russian election meddling. Trump
remained, as he had been from the beginning, unwilling or unable to admit any Russian meddling because he believed doing so would undercut the legitimacy of his election and the narrative of the witch hunt against him. <...>
Worryingly, however, Putin also said he wanted Trump to win the 2016 election “because he talked about bringing the US-Russian relationship back to normal,” a significant deviation from the standard public line that countries don’t interfere in others’ internal politics and would work with whomever was elected. That in turn paled before the Trump response near the end of the press conference, when Trump said, “My people came to me-Dan Coats came to me and some others-they said they think it’s Russia. I have President Putin; he just said it’s not Russia. I will say this: I don’t see any reason why it would be, but I really do want to see the server. But I have-I have confidence in both parties… So I have great confidence in my
intelligence people, but I will tell you that President Putin was extremely strong and powerful in his denial today.” Kelly and I, sitting next to each other in the audience, were almost frozen to our seats by Trump’s answer. It was obvious that major corrective action would be needed because of this self-inflicted wound, but what exactly that would be was far from evident. The immediate media coverage was catastrophic. <...>
This was hardly the way to do relations with Russia, and Putin had to be laughing uproariously at what he had gotten away with in Helsinki. Condi Rice called to tell me she was not going to make any public comment on Helsinki, but she said, “You know, John, that Putin only knows two ways to deal with people, to humiliate them or dominate them, and you can’t let him get away with it.” I agreed. Lots of people were calling on various senior officials to resign, including Kelly, Pompeo, Coats, and myself. I had been in the job only a little over three months. Things sure moved fast in the Trump Administration!
https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2020/06/21/john-bolton-exclusive-book-extract-trump-really-thinks-nato/

Принципиально новой информации нет, но немного больше контекста.

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