You'd need to take into account the vagaries of the national variations: not only are there the assorted nationalist parties, you've got anomalies like Labour refusing to permit anyone in Ulster to join (let alone stand for) the party.
PR'd also shake up the local format of things quite a lot: the Tories, even on their present vote share, would have 9 or 10 seats in Scotland, while Labour'd lose its dominance both up here and in Wales.
Though it's not necessarily essential, it's also standard for there to be a minimum threshold (either total votes, or percentage of the votes cast) that parties have to pass to qualify for seats - so 0.2% would very rarely qualify for a seat in parliament. If the threshold's set at 5% or so, then quite a lot of the smallest parties would miss out on the present vote-share, giving some more seats to the bigger parties.
Northern Ireland, by the crudest version of PR, would work out at 4 (probably rounded up to 5) seats for each of the DUP and Sinn Fein; 3 for the SDLP and the UUP; 1 for Alliance... and 1 more for Sylvia Hermon.
Wales (40): UKIP 1, PC 5; LD: 8; Tory 11(?); Labour 15(?)
Scotland (59): Tory: 10, LD: 12, SNP: 12, Labour 25.
England (532 declared): Respect 1(?), English Democrats: 2(?), Green: 6, BNP: 12(?), UKIP: 19, LD: 129, Labour: 150, Tory: 206... and 7 seats for others (e.g. Independent Health Concern and the Christian party) or as further top-up for the larger parties. The one undeclared constituency (delayed due to the death of a candidate) is a safe Tory seat (in 2005, they took over 50% of the vote), so you can probably safely add another Tory to the list to round out the total.
Overall: Tory 228, Labour: 190, LD: 149, UKIP: 20, BNP: 12, SNP: 12, Green: 6, PC: 5, DUP: 5, Sinn Fein: 5, SDLP 3, UUP 3, English Democrats: 2, Alliance: 1, Sylvia Hermon, Respect: 1, Others: all the rest(7 seats?).
In terms of blocs: Centre-right 231; self-described social democrats: 153 (plus Respect, the SNP, Greens, and PC, in most ways - for a total of 178); liberals: 151 (including Sylvia Hermon); right: 20 (plus 5 if you define the rather anomalous DUP as "right", and 2 more if you put the English Democrats in here); neo-fascist: 12; non-sitting: 5 (Sinn Fein).
Not that the monolothic block-votes of 'safe constituencies' would be likely to stay in place under PR, of course: you could expect votes for the lesser parties to increase significantly when there's a chance of them actually meaning something. The SNP and PC, for example, would probably move closer to the levels they hit in local elections.
Personally, I favour the retention of a local connection to MPs, rather than pure PR - so that you +can+ have things like Independent Health Concern unseating a local MP in order to defend their hospital. There's at least the +potential+ for local accountability with the constituency system.
Of course, for _actual_ proportional representation, the seats themselves should arguably be in proportion to either the votes cast or to the base population or to the registered electorate.
If you go with ~650 seats overall for the UK, then by current population you'd get something like Northern Ireland 19 (currently 18), Wales 32 (currently 40), Scotland 56 (currently 59), England 543 (currently 533).
PR'd also shake up the local format of things quite a lot: the Tories, even on their present vote share, would have 9 or 10 seats in Scotland, while Labour'd lose its dominance both up here and in Wales.
Though it's not necessarily essential, it's also standard for there to be a minimum threshold (either total votes, or percentage of the votes cast) that parties have to pass to qualify for seats - so 0.2% would very rarely qualify for a seat in parliament. If the threshold's set at 5% or so, then quite a lot of the smallest parties would miss out on the present vote-share, giving some more seats to the bigger parties.
Northern Ireland, by the crudest version of PR, would work out at 4 (probably rounded up to 5) seats for each of the DUP and Sinn Fein; 3 for the SDLP and the UUP; 1 for Alliance... and 1 more for Sylvia Hermon.
Wales (40): UKIP 1, PC 5; LD: 8; Tory 11(?); Labour 15(?)
Scotland (59): Tory: 10, LD: 12, SNP: 12, Labour 25.
England (532 declared): Respect 1(?), English Democrats: 2(?), Green: 6, BNP: 12(?), UKIP: 19, LD: 129, Labour: 150, Tory: 206... and 7 seats for others (e.g. Independent Health Concern and the Christian party) or as further top-up for the larger parties. The one undeclared constituency (delayed due to the death of a candidate) is a safe Tory seat (in 2005, they took over 50% of the vote), so you can probably safely add another Tory to the list to round out the total.
Overall: Tory 228, Labour: 190, LD: 149, UKIP: 20, BNP: 12, SNP: 12, Green: 6, PC: 5, DUP: 5, Sinn Fein: 5, SDLP 3, UUP 3, English Democrats: 2, Alliance: 1, Sylvia Hermon, Respect: 1, Others: all the rest(7 seats?).
In terms of blocs: Centre-right 231; self-described social democrats: 153 (plus Respect, the SNP, Greens, and PC, in most ways - for a total of 178); liberals: 151 (including Sylvia Hermon); right: 20 (plus 5 if you define the rather anomalous DUP as "right", and 2 more if you put the English Democrats in here); neo-fascist: 12; non-sitting: 5 (Sinn Fein).
Not that the monolothic block-votes of 'safe constituencies' would be likely to stay in place under PR, of course: you could expect votes for the lesser parties to increase significantly when there's a chance of them actually meaning something. The SNP and PC, for example, would probably move closer to the levels they hit in local elections.
Personally, I favour the retention of a local connection to MPs, rather than pure PR - so that you +can+ have things like Independent Health Concern unseating a local MP in order to defend their hospital. There's at least the +potential+ for local accountability with the constituency system.
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If you go with ~650 seats overall for the UK, then by current population you'd get something like Northern Ireland 19 (currently 18), Wales 32 (currently 40), Scotland 56 (currently 59), England 543 (currently 533).
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