https://selenadia.livejournal.com/181057.htmlstefan_blogMarch 10 2022, 20:55:35 UTC
самое интересное, когда начались погромы в Англии 2011.08.06, все верили что воплощается наяву тот самый план "дискредитации эмигрантов" и война в европе "по мультикультурализму"[ссылка на сумашедших, с которыми отчего-то собеседничал в 2013].
2021^ The England riots, 10 years on: ‘Young people were watching their futures disappear before their eyes’
The question of who gets to narrate the events of August 2011 - that handful of hot and broken summer nights when something seemed to crack inside England’s biggest cities, and images of smashed shop fronts, raging fires and faceless youths filled the news - is one that runs through the heart of UP:RISE, a new work by the artist and film-maker Baff Akoto exploring the memory and legacy of what became known as the riots of 2011, a decade after they occurred. Involving an estimated 20,000 people in locations from Bristol to Birkenhead, and leading to half a billion pounds of damage and nearly 4,000 arrests, clashes between protesters and police - triggered initially by the latter’s killing of Mark Duggan in Tottenham, north London - eventually escalated into the biggest wave of urban unrest seen in the UK since the 1980s. The last time disturbances on this scale hit the capital on successive nights was during the anti-Catholic Gordon riots of 1780.
Given how profoundly the 2011 riots shook public consciousness at the time - generating five days of wall-to-wall television coverage and mounting establishment panic that prompted the government to consider sending military forces on to the streets of mainland Britain - it’s perhaps surprising how thoroughly absent they are from contemporary political discourse. Once the clips of burning buses and boarded-up high streets faded away, so too did a wider conversation about what lay behind the extensive disorder, and what it might reveal about the iniquities, exclusions and violence of “order” itself. “It is criminality, pure and simple,” declared prime minister David Cameron at the height of the turmoil. That framing, echoed by fellow politicians and large swathes of the media, was useful for anybody hoping to contain August 2011 within a safe and recognisable template: one in which a bad, mad, felonious underclass engages in a limited bout of feverish troublemaking before law is restored and life mercifully returns to normal.
(///) In other affected areas around the country, including the Birmingham suburb of Winson Green, where three young men died after being hit by a car while trying to protect local businesses, longstanding tensions between different sections of the community helped to shape the riots’ trajectory. A common thread across all the sites where rioting took place was a sense of collective, if ephemeral, empowerment - as if for once the poles of authority and fear had been reversed. “They really don’t love us, do they,” says one young woman whose voice appears in UP:RISE. “And I think that’s why I went. I think I went because I know they don’t love us. So why do I care?”
2021^
The England riots, 10 years on: ‘Young people were watching their futures disappear before their eyes’
The question of who gets to narrate the events of August 2011 - that handful of hot and broken summer nights when something seemed to crack inside England’s biggest cities, and images of smashed shop fronts, raging fires and faceless youths filled the news - is one that runs through the heart of UP:RISE, a new work by the artist and film-maker Baff Akoto exploring the memory and legacy of what became known as the riots of 2011, a decade after they occurred. Involving an estimated 20,000 people in locations from Bristol to Birkenhead, and leading to half a billion pounds of damage and nearly 4,000 arrests, clashes between protesters and police - triggered initially by the latter’s killing of Mark Duggan in Tottenham, north London - eventually escalated into the biggest wave of urban unrest seen in the UK since the 1980s. The last time disturbances on this scale hit the capital on successive nights was during the anti-Catholic Gordon riots of 1780.
Given how profoundly the 2011 riots shook public consciousness at the time - generating five days of wall-to-wall television coverage and mounting establishment panic that prompted the government to consider sending military forces on to the streets of mainland Britain - it’s perhaps surprising how thoroughly absent they are from contemporary political discourse. Once the clips of burning buses and boarded-up high streets faded away, so too did a wider conversation about what lay behind the extensive disorder, and what it might reveal about the iniquities, exclusions and violence of “order” itself. “It is criminality, pure and simple,” declared prime minister David Cameron at the height of the turmoil. That framing, echoed by fellow politicians and large swathes of the media, was useful for anybody hoping to contain August 2011 within a safe and recognisable template: one in which a bad, mad, felonious underclass engages in a limited bout of feverish troublemaking before law is restored and life mercifully returns to normal.
(///)
In other affected areas around the country, including the Birmingham suburb of Winson Green, where three young men died after being hit by a car while trying to protect local businesses, longstanding tensions between different sections of the community helped to shape the riots’ trajectory. A common thread across all the sites where rioting took place was a sense of collective, if ephemeral, empowerment - as if for once the poles of authority and fear had been reversed. “They really don’t love us, do they,” says one young woman whose voice appears in UP:RISE. “And I think that’s why I went. I think I went because I know they don’t love us. So why do I care?”
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