Link Salad, the Remain/Leave Edition
-- There Goes the Neighborhood - Kelefa Sanneh, The New Yorker, Jul. 11 & 18, 2016
"It is an inelegant term, and must have seemed a strange one when it was first introduced, in a 1964 essay by Ruth Glass, a British sociologist. Glass, who wrote under the influence of Marx, was distressed to see that “the working class quarters of London have been invaded by the middle classes.” As the gentry moved in, the proletariat moved out, “until all or most of the original working class occupiers are displaced and the whole social character of the district is changed.” The story of gentrification was, curiously, the story of neighborhoods destroyed by desirability. As the term spread through academic journals and then the popular press, “gentrification,” like “ghetto,” became harder to define. At first, it referred to instances of new arrivals who were buying up (and bidding up) old housing stock, but then there was “new-build gentrification.” Especially in America, gentrification often suggested white arrivals who were displacing nonwhite residents and taking over a ghetto, although, in the case of San Francisco, the establishment of Wittman’s so-called “gay ghetto,” created as an act of self-protection, was also a species of gentrification. Even Clark’s “dark ghetto” was a target. In 1994, Andrew Cuomo, who was then at the Department of Housing and Urban Development, told the Times, “If you expect to see Harlem as gentrified and mixed-income, it’s not going to happen.” He was, in due course, proved wrong."
-- How remain failed: the inside story of a doomed campaign - Rafael Behr, The Guardian, Jul. 5, 2016
"But the blue-on-blue issue was not exclusively a problem of external media management. Throughout March, Cameron and Osborne were torn between campaigning for remain and fear of provoking an irreparable split in the Tory party. They envisaged a “reconciliation reshuffle” to be held after their inevitable victory, which would bring prominent pro-leave Conservatives back into the fold. It was a peculiar feeling, too, for many of the Conservative junior staffers, scattered across the remain and leave camps, to find themselves in battle with people who had been their comrades in arms during the general election. Even as the schism widened, Tory advisers on both sides maintained an old WhatsApp group, making bets over the referendum outcome that would become increasingly extravagant on boozy Friday evenings. (They settled in the end on a plan for the losers to buy dinner.)"
"It is an inelegant term, and must have seemed a strange one when it was first introduced, in a 1964 essay by Ruth Glass, a British sociologist. Glass, who wrote under the influence of Marx, was distressed to see that “the working class quarters of London have been invaded by the middle classes.” As the gentry moved in, the proletariat moved out, “until all or most of the original working class occupiers are displaced and the whole social character of the district is changed.” The story of gentrification was, curiously, the story of neighborhoods destroyed by desirability. As the term spread through academic journals and then the popular press, “gentrification,” like “ghetto,” became harder to define. At first, it referred to instances of new arrivals who were buying up (and bidding up) old housing stock, but then there was “new-build gentrification.” Especially in America, gentrification often suggested white arrivals who were displacing nonwhite residents and taking over a ghetto, although, in the case of San Francisco, the establishment of Wittman’s so-called “gay ghetto,” created as an act of self-protection, was also a species of gentrification. Even Clark’s “dark ghetto” was a target. In 1994, Andrew Cuomo, who was then at the Department of Housing and Urban Development, told the Times, “If you expect to see Harlem as gentrified and mixed-income, it’s not going to happen.” He was, in due course, proved wrong."
-- How remain failed: the inside story of a doomed campaign - Rafael Behr, The Guardian, Jul. 5, 2016
"But the blue-on-blue issue was not exclusively a problem of external media management. Throughout March, Cameron and Osborne were torn between campaigning for remain and fear of provoking an irreparable split in the Tory party. They envisaged a “reconciliation reshuffle” to be held after their inevitable victory, which would bring prominent pro-leave Conservatives back into the fold. It was a peculiar feeling, too, for many of the Conservative junior staffers, scattered across the remain and leave camps, to find themselves in battle with people who had been their comrades in arms during the general election. Even as the schism widened, Tory advisers on both sides maintained an old WhatsApp group, making bets over the referendum outcome that would become increasingly extravagant on boozy Friday evenings. (They settled in the end on a plan for the losers to buy dinner.)"