Lack of Abortion Rights in Poland.
I was born in Warszawa, Polska (Warsaw, Poland) in November 1983 and moved to New York State in 1996, when I was twelve and a half years old. As someone who is Polish, did her elementary education in Poland's schools and speaks Polish at home with her parents and was sent to 'Polish School' in America, I still take an big interest in what happens there. I am Polish-American and PRO CHOICE.
Poland has some of the most restrictive Abortion Laws in the world and they are harming both women and children as well as forcing many women to be mothers against their own will unless they have the money to pay off doctors or cross the border in Germany or the Czech Republic. Obviously, it is more different in the bigger cities, but many rural areas are still seemingly controlled by the church and there is a lot of pressure on women in rural areas to sit down, shut up, marry young and breed breed breed - oh and make sure those baaaaaybeeees are brainwashed in the ways of the church. Oh and if that pregnancy poses a risk to your life of health, than that is just too bad.
The reality in Poland makes me sick and something I feel people need to be aware of:
A 35-year-old single mother in Warsaw, Poland, unsuccessfully sought an abortion in 2000 after three eye specialists advised her that her pregnancy could cause further vision impairment. Now, Aicja Tysiac, who has severe myopia, is permanently disabled after suffering a retinal hemorrhage following the birth of her third child. Even with special glasses she can see only five feet in front of her and she now relies on a mere 140 euros (about $180) a month in disability payments to raise her family.
In Poland, one of a handful of countries in the European Union (EU) with ultra-restrictive abortion laws, a woman can get an abortion only if pregnancy threatens her health or life, if it is the result of an illegal act, or if the fetus is developing abnormally. Further, in any of these cases, a woman must have the signatures of three doctors to obtain an abortion. As in Tysiac’s case, doctors are often reluctant to grant therapeutic abortions, even when their patients clearly qualify for one, because the law is vaguely worded and abortion is highly stigmatized. The three ophthalmologists confirmed that Tysiac’s pregnancy would pose further risk to her eyesight but refused to grant her the certificate required to obtain an abortion, as did her gynecologist.
Tysiac’s case drew national attention when the courts dropped a criminal complaint against her doctor in 2001. She had lodged the complaint because she believed she had grounds to receive a certificate for a legal abortion. A district court official threw the case out, saying there were no grounds for her charge. Following this, Tysiac endured protests and a national media campaign against her orchestrated by more than 60 Polish Catholic women’s groups. In 2003, she took her case to the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) arguing that her right to a private life was infringed upon when she was refused a legal abortion. The case was heard in February 2006, and no date has been set for judgment.
Since then, anti-choice nongovernmental organizations and government officials have called for further constitutional “protection for unborn life.” Article 38 of the Polish Constitution states that “The Republic of Poland shall ensure the legal protection of the life of every human being. The League of Polish Families, an ultraconservative anti-choice group, wants to add the phrase “from the moment of conception” at the end of the sentence. Polish Vice Prime Minister Roman Giertych fully endorses this change.
As with other countries awaiting judgments on abortion rights cases in the EU, such as Ireland and Portugal, a win for the plaintiff could forge a path for social change in Poland, and across the region. The ECHR’s decisions regarding protections for reproductive rights could have global implications. While the ECHR can’t force the Polish government to change its laws, a ruling in Tysiac’s favor would mean that the government was in violation of European human rights standards and would, therefore, be more vulnerable to public pressure to ease restrictions on abortion. Recent opinion polls suggest the Polish public favors a less restrictive law, a critical component for influencing the Polish government. In the event of a ruling favorable to Tysiac, Polish citizens and nongovernmental organizations would have a stronger platform upon which to campaign for change.
A History of Restrictions
Polish women have been subject to this restrictive abortion law since 1993. While Poland reported fewer than 200 “official” abortions last year, it is estimated that between 60,000 and 200,000 Polish women obtain abortions annually, either by paying for an illegal abortion in-country or traveling to a nearby country where abortion is legal. These options, largely unavailable to poor women, are often more than just burdensome or costly - unregulated, illegal abortions can be dangerous and even life threatening. It is common to find high rates of unsafe abortion, and associated death or injuries, in countries where abortion is largely illegal. Tysiac herself sought an illegal abortion after being turned down by several doctors but decided it was prohibitively expensive.
As Tysiac awaits the judgment in her case, Americans can learn from the experiences of other countries as we face challenges to the legal status of abortion in the United States. U.S. federal and state lawmakers who favor more restrictive laws or outright abortion bans need only look at Poland and other countries around the world with severely restrictive abortion laws. From the experiences of women in these countries we know that under such restrictions, women will still seek abortions and their health and lives will be at risk. Or, as in Tysiac’s case, they may be forced to carry a pregnancy that threatens their health and well-being. In Warsaw, Poland (just as in Sioux Falls, SD), women have the right to access safe and legal abortion. The European Court of Human Rights needs to protect that right.
http://www.plannedparenthood.org/news-articles-press/politics-policy-issues/international-issues/abortion-poland-7659.htm
Poland has some of the most restrictive Abortion Laws in the world and they are harming both women and children as well as forcing many women to be mothers against their own will unless they have the money to pay off doctors or cross the border in Germany or the Czech Republic. Obviously, it is more different in the bigger cities, but many rural areas are still seemingly controlled by the church and there is a lot of pressure on women in rural areas to sit down, shut up, marry young and breed breed breed - oh and make sure those baaaaaybeeees are brainwashed in the ways of the church. Oh and if that pregnancy poses a risk to your life of health, than that is just too bad.
The reality in Poland makes me sick and something I feel people need to be aware of:
A 35-year-old single mother in Warsaw, Poland, unsuccessfully sought an abortion in 2000 after three eye specialists advised her that her pregnancy could cause further vision impairment. Now, Aicja Tysiac, who has severe myopia, is permanently disabled after suffering a retinal hemorrhage following the birth of her third child. Even with special glasses she can see only five feet in front of her and she now relies on a mere 140 euros (about $180) a month in disability payments to raise her family.
In Poland, one of a handful of countries in the European Union (EU) with ultra-restrictive abortion laws, a woman can get an abortion only if pregnancy threatens her health or life, if it is the result of an illegal act, or if the fetus is developing abnormally. Further, in any of these cases, a woman must have the signatures of three doctors to obtain an abortion. As in Tysiac’s case, doctors are often reluctant to grant therapeutic abortions, even when their patients clearly qualify for one, because the law is vaguely worded and abortion is highly stigmatized. The three ophthalmologists confirmed that Tysiac’s pregnancy would pose further risk to her eyesight but refused to grant her the certificate required to obtain an abortion, as did her gynecologist.
Tysiac’s case drew national attention when the courts dropped a criminal complaint against her doctor in 2001. She had lodged the complaint because she believed she had grounds to receive a certificate for a legal abortion. A district court official threw the case out, saying there were no grounds for her charge. Following this, Tysiac endured protests and a national media campaign against her orchestrated by more than 60 Polish Catholic women’s groups. In 2003, she took her case to the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) arguing that her right to a private life was infringed upon when she was refused a legal abortion. The case was heard in February 2006, and no date has been set for judgment.
Since then, anti-choice nongovernmental organizations and government officials have called for further constitutional “protection for unborn life.” Article 38 of the Polish Constitution states that “The Republic of Poland shall ensure the legal protection of the life of every human being. The League of Polish Families, an ultraconservative anti-choice group, wants to add the phrase “from the moment of conception” at the end of the sentence. Polish Vice Prime Minister Roman Giertych fully endorses this change.
As with other countries awaiting judgments on abortion rights cases in the EU, such as Ireland and Portugal, a win for the plaintiff could forge a path for social change in Poland, and across the region. The ECHR’s decisions regarding protections for reproductive rights could have global implications. While the ECHR can’t force the Polish government to change its laws, a ruling in Tysiac’s favor would mean that the government was in violation of European human rights standards and would, therefore, be more vulnerable to public pressure to ease restrictions on abortion. Recent opinion polls suggest the Polish public favors a less restrictive law, a critical component for influencing the Polish government. In the event of a ruling favorable to Tysiac, Polish citizens and nongovernmental organizations would have a stronger platform upon which to campaign for change.
A History of Restrictions
Polish women have been subject to this restrictive abortion law since 1993. While Poland reported fewer than 200 “official” abortions last year, it is estimated that between 60,000 and 200,000 Polish women obtain abortions annually, either by paying for an illegal abortion in-country or traveling to a nearby country where abortion is legal. These options, largely unavailable to poor women, are often more than just burdensome or costly - unregulated, illegal abortions can be dangerous and even life threatening. It is common to find high rates of unsafe abortion, and associated death or injuries, in countries where abortion is largely illegal. Tysiac herself sought an illegal abortion after being turned down by several doctors but decided it was prohibitively expensive.
As Tysiac awaits the judgment in her case, Americans can learn from the experiences of other countries as we face challenges to the legal status of abortion in the United States. U.S. federal and state lawmakers who favor more restrictive laws or outright abortion bans need only look at Poland and other countries around the world with severely restrictive abortion laws. From the experiences of women in these countries we know that under such restrictions, women will still seek abortions and their health and lives will be at risk. Or, as in Tysiac’s case, they may be forced to carry a pregnancy that threatens their health and well-being. In Warsaw, Poland (just as in Sioux Falls, SD), women have the right to access safe and legal abortion. The European Court of Human Rights needs to protect that right.
http://www.plannedparenthood.org/news-articles-press/politics-policy-issues/international-issues/abortion-poland-7659.htm