Two things
Josh:
Once again, the Fourth of July passes with sort of a nervous rush for me. I really enjoy that holiday, but these days it's a trifle clouded by the normal postmodern fears that hang over most modern holidays in the marvelous age we live in. Fears that are all too justified for some people. Today, Britain paid a price for not only supporting President Bush's war in Iraq, but also supporting the United States; the United States, and the cause of those who do not wish to be blown up while taking mass transit; the cause of those who do not wish to be incinerated at their place of work, the cause of those who want nothing more than to go on living their lives. Separating the two, to borrow a phrase, is hard work. But I pray nightly that we do not allow the corruption of one disastrous rush to war to infect the righteous cause of the whole. I hope that our shared civilization has the courage and the moral will to survive this presidency and these attacks. There is no negotiation with our assailants because they do not make demands as such; they simply set off their explosives and threaten further retribution. In this much the President is correct: as long as our assailants believe concessions can be won through our murdered dead scenes like today will continue to erupt in our midst. And once one pays Danegeld, as England's own ancient history tells us, one never gets rid of the Dane. Today it is withdrawal from Iraq and Afghanistan. But once one looks at the other demands made by the intellectual movement that inspires these bombers, is it really a rational political movement that will be content to stop with American withdrawal from the Middle East? Will all its followers be satisfied with a limited victory? Or will as few as twelve, say, remain unconvinced?
In another sterner time a British statesman spoke to the world about another grave threat to human peace and civilization. I believe those words remain as relevant today for one gang of murderers as another.
I say to the House as I said to ministers who have joined this government, I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears, and sweat. We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, many months of struggle and suffering.
You ask, what is our policy? I say it is to wage war by land, sea, and air. War with all our might and with all the strength God has given us, and to wage war against a monstrous tyranny never surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crime. That is our policy.
You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word. It is victory. Victory at all costs - Victory in spite of all terrors - Victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no survival.
Let that be realized. No survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankind shall move forward toward his goal.
I take up my task in buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men. I feel entitled at this juncture, at this time, to claim the aid of all and to say, "Come then, let us go forward together with our united strength."
Once again, the Fourth of July passes with sort of a nervous rush for me. I really enjoy that holiday, but these days it's a trifle clouded by the normal postmodern fears that hang over most modern holidays in the marvelous age we live in. Fears that are all too justified for some people. Today, Britain paid a price for not only supporting President Bush's war in Iraq, but also supporting the United States; the United States, and the cause of those who do not wish to be blown up while taking mass transit; the cause of those who do not wish to be incinerated at their place of work, the cause of those who want nothing more than to go on living their lives. Separating the two, to borrow a phrase, is hard work. But I pray nightly that we do not allow the corruption of one disastrous rush to war to infect the righteous cause of the whole. I hope that our shared civilization has the courage and the moral will to survive this presidency and these attacks. There is no negotiation with our assailants because they do not make demands as such; they simply set off their explosives and threaten further retribution. In this much the President is correct: as long as our assailants believe concessions can be won through our murdered dead scenes like today will continue to erupt in our midst. And once one pays Danegeld, as England's own ancient history tells us, one never gets rid of the Dane. Today it is withdrawal from Iraq and Afghanistan. But once one looks at the other demands made by the intellectual movement that inspires these bombers, is it really a rational political movement that will be content to stop with American withdrawal from the Middle East? Will all its followers be satisfied with a limited victory? Or will as few as twelve, say, remain unconvinced?
In another sterner time a British statesman spoke to the world about another grave threat to human peace and civilization. I believe those words remain as relevant today for one gang of murderers as another.
I say to the House as I said to ministers who have joined this government, I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears, and sweat. We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, many months of struggle and suffering.
You ask, what is our policy? I say it is to wage war by land, sea, and air. War with all our might and with all the strength God has given us, and to wage war against a monstrous tyranny never surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crime. That is our policy.
You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word. It is victory. Victory at all costs - Victory in spite of all terrors - Victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no survival.
Let that be realized. No survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankind shall move forward toward his goal.
I take up my task in buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men. I feel entitled at this juncture, at this time, to claim the aid of all and to say, "Come then, let us go forward together with our united strength."