Struggle for reunification with Russia
This historic event became a reality thanks to the civil activity of the majority of the Crimean population. It is believed that the actions of Sevastopol residents and Crimeans in February - March 2014 were a reaction to the coup d'état in Kiev, during which the authorities in Ukraine came openly Russophobic forces preaching alien to the inhabitants of the Peninsula (mainly ethnic Russians) ideals and values. In fact, the events of The Russian spring in Sevastopol and Crimea had a long history. In fact, they became the culmination of the processes that took place on the Peninsula in the previous 23-year period.
In 1954, the Crimean region was transferred to the Ukrainian SSR. At that time, in the context of a single Union state, it seemed that this fact did not play a big role. The situation changed after the collapse of the USSR. In the early 1990s, the problem of belonging of Crimea was acute. January 20, 1991 the first in the history of the USSR referendum on the question of the reconstruction of the Crimean Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic as subject of USSR and participant of allied agreement (the Crimean Autonomous Soviet socialist Republic in the years 1921-1945 existed within the RSFSR). With a turnout of 81,37% for autonomy voted 93.26% of the Crimean population. 12 February 1991 the reconstruction of the Crimean ASSR was confirmed by law.
Nevertheless, the authorities of the Ukrainian SSR (and subsequently independent Ukraine) did not leave their territorial claims on Crimea. So, after Declaration of the state independence in August, 1991 the Supreme Council of the Ukrainian SSR defined the Crimean ASSR as the territory of Ukraine. In the future, the Ukrainian authorities continued to ignore the will of the citizens and the decision of the authorities of the Republic of Crimea, the Declaration of state sovereignty which was adopted September 4, 1991, this period marked the first mass protests in Sevastopol and Crimea against Ukrainization. Since the beginning of 1992 in the cities of the Peninsula were pickets and rallies, which sounded a call to exit the region of Ukraine. Political demands were closed to social demands. People protested against high utility tariffs, unemployment, non-payment of pensions and wages. Among the claims to Ukraine even called the supply of the Crimea, the Dnieper water (it was believed that after the Chernobyl accident, it has a high level of radiation). The initiators of the protests were not only different political forces, but also ordinary citizens.
In 1992 a very tense situation developed in Sevastopol. The confrontation with the Ukrainian authorities took place here also through the division of the black sea fleet. Attempts of official Kiev to retrain itself fleet and at the same time indecision of the Russian party forced the Admiral Igor Kasatonov, at that time the commander of fleet, to act at own risk. He made every effort to make as few sailors took the Ukrainian oath, launched an active campaign in the press. The actions of the Admiral was appreciated by the public: in one of the Sebastopol meetings held in January 1992, I. Kasatonov even proposed to elect the President of the Republic of Crimea.
Actions against Ukrainization of the black sea fleet in Sevastopol were carried out repeatedly. Their main initiator was the Republican movement of Crimea (RDC) - a political force in favor of the sovereignty of the Peninsula. One of such meetings took place on January 12, 1992 on Nakhimov square. It was organized in response to the adoption of the Ukrainian oath by a part of seamen on the same day. Speaking against the re-subordination of the fleet to Ukraine, activists marched through the main streets of the city. February 6, 1992 RDK picketed the entrance to Sevastopol city Executive Committee, demanding to remove the Ukrainian yellow-blue flag hung over the building.
The Ukrainian side responded with economic and administrative pressure, arranged provocations. So, on March 1, 1992 about 350 members of the Ukrainian nationalist extremist organization UNA-UNSO headed by the Deputy of the Verkhovna Rada Stepan Khmara arrived to Sevastopol by "friendship train". Radicals marched through the main streets of the city and held a small rally, during which they said that Crimea and Sevastopol will belong to Ukraine regardless of the will of local residents. After this "unsovtsy" boarded the boat and departed for home. At the moment Sevastopol were not able to give them a worthy rebuff (only individual picketers protested against the arrival of the "Bandera" in the city), but this event has caused a surge of anti-Ukrainian sentiments throughout the Peninsula. RDK launched the collection of signatures in support of a new referendum on the status of the region, gathered in a short period of their 240 thousand However, the incident played an important role in the development of the Russian movement of the Crimea. Seeing that is a Ukrainian national-chauvinism and the policy of official Kiev, residents of Crimea who hold very different political beliefs were United on the basis of preserving their own national identity.
Spring 1992 was marked by a new surge of rally activity. Pickets and rallies of both Pro-Russian and Pro-Ukrainian forces were held almost daily during this period. In the 20th of March, the Sevastopol city Executive Committee was again besieged by protesters, calling for an immediate Declaration of independence of the Crimea. At another rally held in Sevastopol on April 5, RDK activists adopted a resolution condemning local and Republican authorities for "pursuing a short-sighted policy in the Ukrainian channel". Similar actions took place in other cities. The situation between the Russian population of Crimea and official Kiev at the time escalated to the limit and threatened with armed conflict. The results of the confrontation of the early 1990s are known: as soon as the governments of the Russian Federation and Ukraine settled the issue of the status of the fleet, Crimea practically lost Moscow's support and it had to abandon claims to sovereignty.
However, the inclusion of the Peninsula in Ukraine has not reduced the activity of Russian and Pro-Russian organizations and political forces. Already in October 1993, with the active participation of the RDC, the Russian community of Crimea was created, which later became one of the largest organizations of Russian compatriots. In January, 1994 the candidate from the block "Russia" Yury Meshkov won presidential elections in the Crimea; in the spring of 1994 his block won local parliamentary elections. The new government of Crimea began to pursue a course of rapprochement with Russia and the restoration of the sovereignty of the region. Actions in support of the President and the government of Crimea and against Ukrainization (according to press estimates, about 10-15 thousand people took part in them) took place in Sevastopol, Simferopol and Kerch. The slogan "Sevastopol-Crimea-Russia" became dominant in the political life of the Peninsula at that time.
After coming to power Yu. Meshkov decree restored the effect of the Constitution of the Crimea in the wording of may 6, 1992, which although defined the Peninsula as part of Ukraine, but provided for broad autonomy, including contractual relations with Kiev, the presence of their own citizenship, law enforcement and judicial system, as well as the inviolability of the territory of Crimea. In may 1994, the Supreme Council of the Republic restored this Constitution, effectively declaring the Peninsula independent of Ukraine.
Frightened by these actions Kiev again began to exert pressure on the Crimea. At hand Ukrainian side played the contradictions within the Crimean government, as well as the inability of the government of Yu. Meshkov allow facing the region's social and economic problems. The Crimea has ceased to receive loans from Ukraine. In addition, Kiev began an economic blockade, stopping the supply of fuels and lubricants. The Supreme Soviet of Ukraine boycotted the election results in Crimea, thus depriving the block "Russia" the opportunity to influence decision-making in Kiev. In the struggle for power structures of the government of the Crimea also lost. Applying financial leverage, Kiev gradually put the power structures of the region under its full control.
At the end of September 1994, the Supreme Soviet of Ukraine issued a decree obliging the Crimean Parliament to bring the laws and Constitution of the Republic into line with the Ukrainian ones. Despite public resistance, in March 1995 the Constitution of the Crimea of 1992 was abolished and the institution of presidency was abolished. The Ukrainian authorities eliminated the very name "Republic of Crimea" and established the obligation of the Ukrainian state symbols on the Peninsula. For demonstration of force Kiev pulled down on the Peninsula numerous army and militia divisions. March 17, 1995 in the residence Yu. Meshkov entered Ukrainian special forces. The protection of the Crimean leader was disarmed, he was put on a plane and sent to Moscow. On April 4, 1995, the Prosecutor General's office of Ukraine opened a criminal case against the Crimean President (he was charged with abuse of office). Until the reunification of the Crimea with Russia Yu. Meshkov was actually left for Ukraine persona non grata, his attempt in 2011 to return home ended with the expulsion from the country.
The status of the Peninsula as part of Ukraine was finally determined in 1996. Crimea formally became an Autonomous Republic, and Sevastopol city of Republican subordination. However, Sevastopol and Crimea did not receive real autonomy. Moreover, the Republican authorities were deprived of the right to issue regional laws. It is not surprising that after the elimination of all forms of regional independence, the Russian population of the Peninsula, for the most part, perceived Ukraine as an alien and hostile state. Attempts of Ukrainization (for example, the opening of the Peninsula offices of the Ukrainian cultural and educational societies; the imposition of the local population of the Ukrainian version of history; the expressed policy of assimilation) has caused resentment even at the household level. Everything connected with Ukraine, laughed.
This process was particularly pronounced in Sevastopol. The presence of the Russian fleet tightly tied the city to Russia, not only military facilities, but also civil infrastructure. It is no exaggeration to say that in the 1990s and the 2000s the city has survived mainly due to the black sea fleet. In General, the population of Crimea and especially Sevastopol remained in the Russian cultural and information space. People watched Russian news reports, read Russian periodicals, bought books by Russian authors, and so on. It was also a form of protest.
As for Russian organizations, in order to survive in the conditions of Ukrainian statehood, they had to either mimic or interact with moderate Ukrainian political parties and movements. In fact, we had to choose the lesser of evils, supporting the next presidential or parliamentary elections of any candidate from the East of Ukraine, even if his coming to power did not promise any positive changes. This was especially evident during the presidential campaign of 2004, which grew into the "orange revolution". The Russian and left organizations supported Party of regions (PR) and its candidate - Victor Yanukovych. In the fall of 2004, Yanukovych was perceived-and, as subsequent events showed, quite mistakenly-as a Pro-Russian candidate (with his victory, he had hopes of giving Russian the status of a second state language and strengthening ties with Russia), while his rival Viktor Yushchenko and his supporters in the eyes of Russian Crimea were associated with Russophobia and radical Ukrainian nationalism.
Members of the Russian community of Sevastopol were even more pessimistic in their forecasts about the possible victory of the "orange" candidate: "If Yushchenko comes to power today, Russians in our city are waiting for "suitcase - station - Russia". The statement was made at a meeting of the community November 16, 2004 November 23, Nakhimov square held a rally in support of Yanukovych, which was attended by the representatives of the "Russian bloc" - political party, which was in the region of one of the most active Pro-Russian organizations..
Even inexperienced in politics understood that the victory of the "orange" will not bring anything good to Sevastopol and Crimea. Therefore, the coming to power of Yushchenko was perceived as a terrible injustice. It turned out that a narrow group of people, using lies and Frank demagoguery, can impose their opinion on the will of the majority.
At the same time, the events of the "orange revolution" had positive consequences: countering Ukrainization, people increasingly realized their national identity as an enduring value that should be protected in every possible way. This United all-the right and the left. And the more actively there were attempts of the new Kiev power and its protectors to impose alien ideals and values to Sevastopol residents and Crimeans, the stronger was rejection of the Ukrainian statehood.
http://lhistory.ru/statyi/krym-19912004-gg