- Oleg Deripaska primarily implements Russian active measures through Russian national Viktor Boyarkin. Boyarkin is a Russian intelligence officer· affiliated with the GRU. The Cominittee found reliable evidence suggesting that Boyarkin is part of a cadre of individuals ostensibly operating outside of.the Russian government but who nonethdess implement influence operations that are directed by the Kremlin, 1:md funded by key Russian oligarchs, particularly Deripaska. The Committee bases its assessment that Boyarkin is a Russian intelligence officer on the following information: [Redacted] - Boyarkin appeared to coordinate with other Russian nationals operating seemingly outside of the Russian government but who nonetheless undertook influence operations on its behalf . - Boyarkin also coordinated sensitive operations on Deripaska's behalf. For example, Nastya Rybka, a former Deripaska mistress, was arrested in Thailand and claimed that she was "the only witness and the missing link in the connection between Russia and the U.S. elections the long chain of Oleg Deripaska, Prikhodko, Manafort, and Trump." Rybka also suggested that she was in possession of more than 16 hours of audio recordings she made of Deripaska's conversations with business associates and Russian political leaders, namely Russian Deputy Prime Minister Sergei Prikhodko. - Prior to her arrest in Thailand, Rybka's social media posts had been the subject of a lawsuit filed by Deripaska against Russian opposition leader Alexey Navalny. In February 2018, Navalny posted to his website a 25-minute video outlining alleged connections-including a romantic relationship-between Rybka and Deripaska. The video includes a number of vignettes apparently collected from Rybka's social media accounts and focuses on an August 2016 meeting between Deripaska and Prikhodko aboard Deripaska's yacht near Norway. Almost immediately after the video appeared on Navalny's website, Deripaska sought, and was granted, a court order demanding the removal of a number of lnstagram posts and YouTube videos. Russia's communications regulator, Roskomnadzor, issued an order to Russian internet service providers blocking access to Navalny's website on February 15, 2018.
Ныне Бояркин находится под санкциями.
Victor Alekseyevich Boyarkin (Boyarkin) is a former GRU officer who reports directly to Deripaska and has led business negotiations on Deripaska’s behalf. Deripaska and Boyarkin were involved in providing Russian financial support to a Montenegrin political party ahead of Montenegro’s 2016 elections. Boyarkin was designated pursuant to Executive Orders (E.O.) 13661 and 13662 for having acted or purported to act for or on behalf of, directly or indirectly, Oleg Deripaska, who was previously designated pursuant to E.O. 13661 for having acted or purported to act for or on behalf of a senior Russian government official, as well as pursuant to E.O. 13662 for operating in the energy sector of the Russian Federation economy, as well as with entities 50 percent or more owned by designated persons. https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/sm577
In a series of emails sent that spring and summer, Manafort tried to offer “private briefings” about the presidential race to Deripaska, apparently, as one of the emails puts it, to “get whole.” Reports in The Atlantic and the Washington Post revealed those emails in the fall of 2017. Among the questions that remained unanswered was the identity of Manafort’s contact in Moscow, the one referred to in one of the emails as “our friend V.” Even after TIME learned his full name in April, he proved a difficult man to find. His online presence amounted to digital scraps: one photo of him at a conference in Moscow, a few benign quotes in the Russian media from his years selling arms for state-linked companies, and some vague references in U.S. government archives to someone by that name, “Commander Viktor A. Boyarkin,” serving in the 1990s as an assistant naval attaché at the Russian embassy in Washington, D.C. - a job sometimes used as cover for intelligence agents. Only in early October was a TIME reporter able to track Boyarkin down. In the company of a senior Russian diplomat and two young assistants from Moscow, he attended a conference in Greece that was organized by one of Putin’s oldest friends, the former KGB agent and state railway boss Vladimir Yakunin. “How did you find me here,” was the question Boyarkin asked, repeatedly, when confronted about his ties to Manafort during a coffee break at that conference. Once he agreed to discuss their relationship, it was mostly to confirm the basic facts, often with a curt, “Yes, so what.” http://time.com/5490169/paul-manafort-victor-boyarkin-debts/
В сенатском отчете дополнительно говорится:
The Committee assesses that Boyarkin handled other influence operations funded by and coordinated with Deripaska - with the approval and direction of the Kremlin. <...> Other Deripaska employees beyond Boyarkin and Kilimnik are also connected to GRU influence operations, suggesting Deripaska's operations are thoroughly integrated into Kremlin influence operations planning. <...> The Committee-found that, since at least the time he hired Paul Manafort in approximately 2004, Oleg Deripaska has acted as a proxy for the Russian state and Russian intelligence services. Deripaska has managed and financed influence operations on the Kremlin's behalf. Deripaska's activities include Kremlin-approved and -directed active measures-including information operations and election interference efforts-conducted to install pro-Kremlin regimes and strengthen Kremlin-aligned powerbrokers across the globe. Deripaska's right-hand-man for the implementation of Russian active measures is Viktor Boyarkin, a GRU officer working for Deripaska.
В отчете упоминается, как с помощью Бояркина и Манафорта Дерипаска приводил к власти путинскую марионетку в Гвинее.
In approximately 2008 or 2009, Manafort worked on a project for Deripaska in Guinea where Deripaska had a large interest in bauxite mining and alumina refinery facilities. Boyarkin managed the project for Deripaska. Gates recalled meeting with Boyarkin, Kilimnik, and Manafort about the project.988 Boyarkin had intelligence regarding politicians in Guinea and contacts within the Guinean government. Deripaska's strategy was to use American campaign techniques in Guinea to get the person he supported elected president.990 Gates recalled that after working on the project for several months, the presidential candidate Manafort's firm was supporting was shot. After the shooting, Boyarkin moved· a Russian military ship to Guinea as a show of force to anyone who was trying to impede Deripaska. Gates believed the work in Guinea ended shortly thereafter, work for which Manafort's firm was paid over $1 million.
Alpha Conde of Guinea had a favor to ask Vladimir Putin when the two presidents met at the inaugural Russia-Africa summit in the Black Sea resort of Sochi in October. “I would like, if possible, to spend most of our meeting in a one-in-one format because I have things to say to you that are not worth discussing in such a large group,” the 81-year-old West African leader said. “My pleasure,” Putin, 67, replied as aides began to herd the several dozen officials and reporters in attendance out of the room, leaving him and Conde alone with their respective translators. While neither side has revealed exactly what was said, Conde has made no secret of his interest in finding a way to stay in power after his second - and legally last - term ends next October. This week, he unveiled a proposed new constitution that could allow him to extend his rule. Both the U.S. and France, Guinea’s former colonial ruler, are urging Conde to avoid risking civil unrest by changing the landmark constitution that allowed the former academic and long-time opposition leader to become the country’s first democratically elected head of state in 2010. Russia, on the other hand, is throwing its weight behind Conde’s undeclared campaign. That makes Guinea, holder of the world’s largest deposits of bauxite, a key raw material for making aluminum, the latest focus in a renewed tug-of-war among global powers for influence and profit across resource-rich Africa. The U.S., western Europe and China have advantages over Russia in other areas of the continent. But in Guinea, the Kremlin is leveraging a mix of old Soviet ties, new capitalist might in the form of aluminum giant United Co. Rusal and Putin’s popularity among other leaders. Putin is widely viewed as a kind of “guru” in Africa, Viktor Boyarkin, a former diplomat and ex-Rusal security chief who’s known Conde for a decade, said in an interview in Moscow. “People come to him for advice.” https://www.msn.com/en-za/news/africa/how-putin-got-a-new-best-friend-forever-in-africa/ar-BBYemES
- Oleg Deripaska primarily implements Russian active measures through Russian national Viktor Boyarkin. Boyarkin is a Russian intelligence officer· affiliated with the GRU. The Cominittee found reliable evidence suggesting that Boyarkin is part of a cadre of individuals ostensibly operating outside of.the Russian government but who nonethdess implement influence operations that are directed by the Kremlin, 1:md funded by key Russian oligarchs, particularly Deripaska. The Committee bases its assessment that Boyarkin is a Russian intelligence officer on the following information: [Redacted]
- Boyarkin appeared to coordinate with other Russian nationals operating seemingly outside of the Russian government but who nonetheless undertook influence operations on its behalf .
- Boyarkin also coordinated sensitive operations on Deripaska's behalf. For example, Nastya Rybka, a former Deripaska mistress, was arrested in Thailand and claimed that she was "the only witness and the missing link in the connection between Russia and the U.S. elections the long chain of Oleg Deripaska, Prikhodko, Manafort, and Trump." Rybka also suggested that she was in possession of more than 16 hours of audio recordings she made of Deripaska's
conversations with business associates and Russian political leaders, namely Russian Deputy Prime Minister Sergei Prikhodko.
- Prior to her arrest in Thailand, Rybka's social media posts had been the subject of a lawsuit filed by Deripaska against Russian opposition leader Alexey Navalny. In February 2018, Navalny posted to his website a 25-minute video outlining alleged connections-including a romantic relationship-between Rybka and Deripaska. The video includes a number of vignettes apparently collected from Rybka's social media accounts and focuses on an August 2016 meeting between Deripaska and Prikhodko aboard Deripaska's yacht near Norway. Almost immediately after the video appeared on Navalny's website, Deripaska sought, and was granted, a court order demanding the removal of a number of lnstagram posts and YouTube videos. Russia's communications regulator, Roskomnadzor, issued an order to Russian internet service providers blocking access to Navalny's website on February 15, 2018.
Ныне Бояркин находится под санкциями.
Victor Alekseyevich Boyarkin (Boyarkin) is a former GRU officer who reports directly to Deripaska and has led business negotiations on Deripaska’s behalf. Deripaska and Boyarkin were involved in providing Russian financial support to a Montenegrin political party ahead of Montenegro’s 2016 elections. Boyarkin was designated pursuant to Executive Orders (E.O.) 13661 and 13662 for having acted or purported to act for or on behalf of, directly or indirectly, Oleg Deripaska, who was previously designated pursuant to E.O. 13661 for having acted or purported to act for or on behalf of a senior Russian government official, as well as pursuant to E.O. 13662 for operating in the energy sector of the Russian Federation economy, as well as with entities 50 percent or more owned by designated persons.
https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/sm577
Reply
In a series of emails sent that spring and summer, Manafort tried to offer “private briefings” about the presidential race to Deripaska, apparently, as one of the emails puts it, to “get whole.” Reports in The Atlantic and the Washington Post revealed those emails in the fall of 2017. Among the questions that remained unanswered was the identity of Manafort’s contact in Moscow, the one referred to in one of the emails as “our friend V.”
Even after TIME learned his full name in April, he proved a difficult man to find. His online presence amounted to digital scraps: one photo of him at a conference in Moscow, a few benign quotes in the Russian media from his years selling arms for state-linked companies, and some vague references in U.S. government archives to someone by that name, “Commander Viktor A. Boyarkin,” serving in the 1990s as an assistant naval attaché at the Russian embassy in Washington, D.C. - a job sometimes used as cover for intelligence agents.
Only in early October was a TIME reporter able to track Boyarkin down. In the company of a senior Russian diplomat and two young assistants from Moscow, he attended a conference in Greece that was organized by one of Putin’s oldest friends, the former KGB agent and state railway boss Vladimir Yakunin. “How did you find me here,” was the question Boyarkin asked, repeatedly, when confronted about his ties to Manafort during a coffee break at that conference.
Once he agreed to discuss their relationship, it was mostly to confirm the basic facts, often with a curt, “Yes, so what.”
http://time.com/5490169/paul-manafort-victor-boyarkin-debts/
В сенатском отчете дополнительно говорится:
The Committee assesses that Boyarkin handled other influence operations funded by and coordinated with Deripaska - with the approval and direction of the Kremlin. <...>
Other Deripaska employees beyond Boyarkin and Kilimnik are also connected to GRU influence operations, suggesting Deripaska's operations are thoroughly integrated into Kremlin influence operations planning. <...>
The Committee-found that, since at least the time he hired Paul Manafort in approximately 2004, Oleg Deripaska has acted as a proxy for the Russian state and Russian intelligence services. Deripaska has managed and financed influence operations on the Kremlin's behalf. Deripaska's activities include Kremlin-approved and -directed active measures-including information operations and election interference efforts-conducted to install pro-Kremlin regimes and strengthen Kremlin-aligned powerbrokers across the globe. Deripaska's right-hand-man for the implementation of Russian active measures is Viktor Boyarkin, a GRU officer working for Deripaska.
Reply
В отчете упоминается, как с помощью Бояркина и Манафорта Дерипаска приводил к власти путинскую марионетку в Гвинее.
In approximately 2008 or 2009, Manafort worked on a project for Deripaska in Guinea where Deripaska had a large interest in bauxite mining and alumina refinery facilities. Boyarkin managed the project for Deripaska. Gates recalled meeting with Boyarkin, Kilimnik, and Manafort about the project.988 Boyarkin had intelligence regarding politicians in Guinea and contacts within the Guinean government. Deripaska's strategy was to use American campaign techniques in Guinea to get the person he supported elected president.990 Gates recalled that after working on the project for several months, the presidential candidate Manafort's firm was supporting was shot. After the shooting, Boyarkin moved· a Russian military ship to Guinea as a show of force to anyone who was trying to impede Deripaska. Gates believed the work in Guinea ended shortly thereafter, work for which Manafort's firm was paid over $1 million.
Alpha Conde of Guinea had a favor to ask Vladimir Putin when the two presidents met at the inaugural Russia-Africa summit in the Black Sea resort of Sochi in October.
“I would like, if possible, to spend most of our meeting in a one-in-one format because I have things to say to you that are not worth discussing in such a large group,” the 81-year-old West African leader said.
“My pleasure,” Putin, 67, replied as aides began to herd the several dozen officials and reporters in attendance out of the room, leaving him and Conde alone with their respective translators.
While neither side has revealed exactly what was said, Conde has made no secret of his interest in finding a way to stay in power after his second - and legally last - term ends next October. This week, he unveiled a proposed new constitution that could allow him to extend his rule. Both the U.S. and France, Guinea’s former colonial ruler, are urging Conde to avoid risking civil unrest by changing the landmark constitution that allowed the former academic and long-time opposition leader to become the country’s first democratically elected head of state in 2010.
Russia, on the other hand, is throwing its weight behind Conde’s undeclared campaign. That makes Guinea, holder of the world’s largest deposits of bauxite, a key raw material for making aluminum, the latest focus in a renewed tug-of-war among global powers for influence and profit across resource-rich Africa.
The U.S., western Europe and China have advantages over Russia in other areas of the continent. But in Guinea, the Kremlin is leveraging a mix of old Soviet ties, new capitalist might in the form of aluminum giant United Co. Rusal and Putin’s popularity among other leaders.
Putin is widely viewed as a kind of “guru” in Africa, Viktor Boyarkin, a former diplomat and ex-Rusal security chief who’s known Conde for a decade, said in an interview in Moscow. “People come to him for advice.”
https://www.msn.com/en-za/news/africa/how-putin-got-a-new-best-friend-forever-in-africa/ar-BBYemES
Reply
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