Последствия предательства

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События, происшедшие в августе 1948, во многом опредили ход дальнейшей американской и мировой истории. В этом месяце американские самолеты прорвали советскую блокаду Западного Берлина, а американские оккупационные власти на Корейском полуострове передали власть новой республике Южная Корея. Оставался год до первого успешного испытания советской атомной бомбы. В Госдепе готовят докладную записку, которая впоследствии послужит основой для российской конспирологии про "План Даллеса": http://www.sakva.ru/Nick/DullPlan.html

Our basic objectives with respect to Russia are really only two:
a. To reduce The power and influence of Moscow to limits in which they will no longer constitute a threat to the peace and stability of international society; and
b. To bring about a basic change in the theory' and practice of international relations observed by the government in power in Russia. If these two objectives could be achieved, the problem which this country faces in its relations with Russia would be reduced to what might be considered normal dimensions.
http://www.sakva.ru/Nick/NSC_20_1.html



Тем временем начинающий конгрессмен из Калифорнии Ричард Никсон принимает участие в слушаниях HUAC (House Un-American Activities Committee), на которых раскаявшийся коммунист и бывший агент советской разведки Уиттакер Чэмберс дает показания против своих бывших товарищей. Среди них - Элджер Хисс, высокопоставленный сотрудник Госдепа, который был советником Рузвельта во время поездки в Ялту, а позже принимал участие в создании ООН. Вызванный по повестке Хисс категорически отрицает знакомство с Чэмберсом и участие в коммунистическо-шпионском подпольи.

Alger Hiss, Whittaker Chambers testify before House committee #OTD Aug. 25, 1948 http://t.co/Wts9nx9sgG pic.twitter.com/QaJudcwuM6
- Nixon Foundation (@nixonfoundation) August 25, 2015

Среди свиделетей видимый контраст. Чэмберс - неуравновешанный мужлан. Хисс - образованный в Гарварде джентльмен и одетый с иголочки представитель столичной элиты. Кто из них врет? Наступает звездный час Никсона, который вопреки остальным членам комиссии не верит Хиссу и встает на сторону Чэмберса.

Как выяснилось позже, в антикомминистическом раже Никсона его антисемитизм тоже сыграл некоторую роль.

The President turned the conversation to people targeted in anti-Communist investigations.
"The only two non-Jews in the Communist conspiracy," he says, "were Chambers and Hiss. Many felt that Hiss was. He could have been a half, but he was not by religion. The only two non-Jews. Every other one was a Jew. And it raised hell with us."
https://www.nytimes.com/1999/10/07/us/in-1971-tapes-nixon-is-heard-blaming-jews-for-communist-plots.html



"I had put myself, a freshman Congressman, in the position of defending the reputation of the Un-American Activities Committee. And in so doing, I was opposing the President of the United States and the majority of press corps opinion, which is so important to the career of anyone in elective office. Also, my stand, which was based on my own opinion and judgment, placed me more or less in the corner of a former Communist functionary and against one of the brightest, most respected young men following a public career. Yet I could not go against my own conscience and my conscience told me that, in this case, the rather unsavory-looking Chambers was telling the truth, and the honest-looking Hiss was lying."

Никсон открывает для себя секрет вашингтонской политики и находит дружественного репортера, которому будет сливать информацию. Им становится пулитцеровский лауреат Bert Andrews из New York Herald Tribune.



HUAC по настоянию Никсона вызывает Чэмберса и Хисса на очную ставку. Хисс начинает путаться в показаниях. Когда Чэмберс говорит ему в лицо "Alger, I was a Communist and you were a Communist", тот угрожает в ответ засудить Чэмберса, если только тот посмеет повторить эти слова публично. Как бы принимая вызов, тот дает интервью на радио. Следует иск. Хисс не догадывается, что в 1930-ые годы, когда они вместе работали на Сталина, Чэмберс предусмотрительно сделал фотокопии секретных документов, которые ему передавал Хисс.



Фотопленки по повестке попадают в руки Никсона. Дело раскрыто! Срок давности по шпионажу истек (три года в мирное время), но Хисса судят за вранье Конгрессу и сажают на пять лет. Выйдя из тюрьмы, он проживет еще долгую жизнь (до 92 лет) и до самой смерти в 1996 будет отрицать свою работу на советскую разведку (ГРУ). Среди его друзей (либеральных демократов и противников Никсона и Маккарти) становятся популярныыми теории заговора про то, как невинного Хисса ("американского Дрейфуса") подставили коварные враги.




В конце 1970ых историк Аллен Вайнштейн начинает собирать материал для книги про дело Хисса. Как человек левых взглядов, он начинает с гипотезы о невиновности Хисса, но, изучая документы, находит для нее убедительные опровержения. Его книга Perjury: The Hiss- Chambers Case собирает доказательства. В 1990-ых Вайнштейна постигает дополнительная удача - он выходит на контакт в России (Александра Васильева, бывшего сотрудника Первого отдела Первого главного управления КГБ) с доступом к архивам КГБ. За доступ к архивам платит американское издательство. Документы раскрывают сеть сталинских шпионов в США (включая Хисса), на основе которых Вайнштейн пишет новую книгу The Haunted Wood: Soviet Espionage in America - The Stalin Era.

Найти связи в России Вайнштейну, вероятно, помогла созданная им организация Center for Democracy, которая организовала поездку Ельцина в США в 1989 и первой получала сообщение от Ельцина во время путча в августе 1991.

The 55-year-old Weinstein runs the Center for Democracy, a nonprofit foundation created to promote the democratic process around the world. Since its founding in 1984, the center has operated in a relatively low-key way: sponsoring conferences, running election observation teams. Its strengths have been in networking and facilitating.
But in 1991, thanks to a combination of networking success, luck, hard work and Weinstein's personal chutzpah, the center jumped into the headlines in a big way.
In essence, Weinstein and the center became Boris Yeltsin's advance team in America. The center sponsored Yeltsin's trip to the United States last June. It has been intimately involved with the environmental policy side of the Russian government and, even though it is not a relief organization, it has acted as a go-between for American farmers distributing food to the Russian people.
From educational and legal reform to advice on privatization and setting up a business clearinghouse for Americans interested in investing in Russia, Weinstein and his small full-time staff of 15 have their fingers in a lot of pies.
http://articles.latimes.com/1992-04-07/news/vw-661_1_boris-yeltsin




Позже Васильев связался с другими историками шпионской деятельности советских спецслужб и написал с ними в 2009 монументальную книгу Spies: The Rise and Fall of the KGB in America, в которой использованы дополнительные документы: https://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/collection/86/vassiliev-notebooks

Hiss was, as Chambers charged, an agent of the GRU. Documents in the archive of the former KGB explicitly identify him as such by name, not once or twice but repeatedly in different contexts before and after World War II.
https://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/abs/10.1162/jcws.2009.11.3.26

Защитить вывод о вине Хисса от нападок левых конспирологов помогла также публикация расшифровок американской контрразведкой ( проектом VENONA) сообщений советской резидентуры.

In October 1996, the CIA and NSA released the Venona files, copies of decrypted Soviet intelligence cables from the 1930s and 1940s. The most famous of the cables, dated 30 March 1945, describes ALES, the covername for an American agent who had been working for Soviet military intelligence since 1935, attended the Yalta conference, and then gone on to Moscow where Soviet Foreign Minister Vyshinsky thanked him for his work. Of the Americans at Yalta who then went to Moscow with Secretary of State Stettinius, only Hiss fits this profile.
https://www.cia.gov/library/center-for-the-study-of-intelligence/kent-csi/vol44no5/html/v44i5a01p.htm

Click to view

Но вернемся в 1948. Разоблачение Хисса послужило трамплином для политической карьеры Никсона - он становится национальной знаменитостью и в 1950 избирается в Сенат. В том же году вдохновленный разоблачением Хисса сенатор Маккарти начинает печально известную " охоту на ведьм".

Либеральный голливудский актер Рональд Рейган снимается в это время в семейной комедии "Louisa" и голосует против Никсона.



Но события в Вашингтоне производят такое впечатление на Рейгана, что он меняет свою политическую ориентацию на консервативную. В 1947, за год до Чэмберса, Рейган сам давал показания HUAC , но не мог себе представить, насколько далеко проникли коммунистические щупальца.

STRIPLING: Mr. Reagan, what is your feeling about what steps should be taken to rid the motion picture industry of any communist influences?
REAGAN: Well, sir, 99 percent of us are pretty well aware of what is going on, and I think, within the bounds of our democratic rights and never once stepping over the rights given us by democracy, we have done a pretty good job in our business of keeping those people's activities curtailed. After all, we must recognize them at present as a political party. On that basis we have exposed their lies when we came across them, we have opposed their propaganda, and I can certainly testify that in the case of the Screen Actors Guild we have been eminently successful in preventing them from, with their usual tactics, trying to run a majority of an organization with a well organized minority. In opposing those people, the best thing to do is make democracy work. In the Screen Actors Guild we make it work by insuring everyone a vote and by keeping everyone informed. I believe that, as Thomas Jefferson put it, if all the American people know all of the facts they will never make a mistake. Whether the party should be outlawed, that is a matter for the government to decide. As a citizen, I would hesitate to see any political party outlawed on the basis of its political ideology. However, if it is proven that an organization is an agent of foreign power, or in any way not a legitimate political party -- and I think the government is capable of proving that -- then that is another matter. I happen to be very proud of the industry in which I work; I happen to be very proud of the way in which we conducted the fight. I do not believe the communists have ever at any time been able to use the motion picture screen as a sounding board for their philosophy or ideology.
CHAIRMAN: There is one thing that you said that interested me very much. That was the quotation from Jefferson. That is why this committee was created by the House of Representatives: to acquaint the American people with the facts. Once the American people are acquainted with the facts there is no question but what the American people will do the kind of job that they want done: that is, to make America just as pure as we can possibly make it. We want to thank you very much for coming here today.
REAGAN: Sir, I detest, I abhor their philosophy, but I detest more than that their tactics, which are those of the fifth column, and are dishonest, but at the same time I never as a citizen want to see our country become urged, by either fear or resentment of this group, that we ever compromise with any of our democratic principles through that fear or resentment. I still think that democracy can do it.
http://historymatters.gmu.edu/search.php?function=print&id=6458



Особенно впечатление на Рейгана произвела книга Чэмберса "Witness". Она становится его любимой книгой, из которой он потом долгое время мог цитировать целые страницы. Для Чэмберса, который нещадно критиковал анти-коммунистку Айн Рэнд за ее атеизм, личная эволюция с отказом от коммунизма (и гомосексуализма) была связана с обретением религии.

У Рейгана в сознании образуется устойчивая связь между антикоммунизмом и религией. В 1983 он цитирует Чэмберса в своей знаменитой речи про "империю зла":

Whittaker Chambers, the man whose own religious conversion made him a witness to one of the terrible traumas of our time, the Hiss-Chambers case, wrote that the crisis of the Western World exists to the degree in which the West is indifferent to God, the degree to which it collaborates in communism's attempt to make man stand alone without God. And then he said, for Marxism-Leninism is actually the second oldest faith, first proclaimed in the Garden of Eden with the words of temptation, "Ye shall be as gods."
The Western world can answer this challenge, he wrote, "but only provided that its faith in God and the freedom He enjoins is as great as communism's faith in Man."
https://nationalcenter.org/ReaganEvilEmpire1983.html

В 1984 Рейган посмертно награждает Чэмберса Президентской медалью Свободы.



Опора на религию с эксплуатацией фишки про аборты стала секретом успеха Рейгана и помогла ему привлечь на свою сторону белых евангелистов, чтобы сколотить выигрышную республиканскую коалицию, которая работает до сих пор.

Three-quarters of white evangelical Protestants approve of the way Trump is handling his job as president, according to a new analysis of Pew Research Center surveys conducted in February and April. This is nearly twice as high as the president’s approval rating with the general public (39%). Trump’s support from evangelicals is strongest among those who attend church regularly. Eight-in-ten white evangelical Protestants who attend church at least once a month approve of the way Trump is handling his job as president, including 67% who strongly approve of his job performance.
http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2017/04/26/among-white-evangelicals-regular-churchgoers-are-the-most-supportive-of-trump/

20/ Stone & Cohn At Koch's Inaugural Party, New York, New York, January 1, 1982. pic.twitter.com/ZbVcE9858B
- ᴛʀᴜᴛʜ ᴡʀɪᴛᴇʀ (@WritesTruths) January 26, 2019

Когда в 1980 Роджер Стоун пришел в нью-йоркский офис Роя Кона, чтобы просить того о помощи с избранием Рейгана, а Кон посоветовал ему обратиться к Фреду и Дональду Трампам, сошлись три ветви истории, которая началась в 1948 с разоблачения кремлевского агента: через Никсона к Стоуну, через Маккарти к Кону и через Чэмберса к Рейгану.

Stone appeared on East 68th Street to find Cohn, just awakened, in his robe, sitting with one of his clients, Mob boss “Fat Tony” Salerno, of the Genovese crime family. “In front of [Roy] was a slab of cream cheese and three burnt slices of bacon,” Stone remembered. “He ate the cream cheese with his pointing finger. He listened to my pitch and said, ‘You need to see Donald Trump. I will get you in, but then you are on your own.’ ”
“I went to see him,” Stone told me, “and Trump said, ‘How do you get Reagan to 270 electoral votes?’ He was very interested [in the mechanics]-a political junkie. Then he said, ‘O.K., we are in. Go see my father.’ ” Out Stone went to Avenue Z, in Coney Island, and met Fred Trump in his office, which was crowded with cigar-store Indians. “True to his word, I got $200,000. The checks came in $1,000 denominations, the maximum donation you could give. All of these checks were written to ‘Reagan For President.’ It was not illegal-it was bundling. Check trading.” For Reagan’s state headquarters, the Trumps found Stone and the campaign a decrepit town house next to the ‘21’ Club. Stone was now, like Donald Trump, inside the Cohn tent.
https://www.vanityfair.com/news/2017/06/donald-trump-roy-cohn-relationship