В Госдепе российской организованной преступностью занимался Джонатан Винер, тоже хороший знакомый Кристофера Стила.
Имя Винера встречается в книжке Роберта Фридмана "Red Mafiya: How the Russian Mob Has Invaded America".
Винер упоминает Могилевича в одном ряду с Иосифом Кобзоном и Григорием Лучанским.
“There is not a major Russian organized crime figure who we are tracking who does not also carry an Israeli passport,” says senior State Department official Jonathan Winer. He put the number at seventy- five, among whom are Mogilevich, Loutchansky, Rabinovich, and Kobzon.
Связи Лучанского раскрываются в докладе швейцарской контрразведки:
Можно сказать, что главным героем отчета оказался Григорий Лучанский. Основатель группы Nordex - не только криминальный авторитет, но и в конце 1980-х - начале 1990-х посредник по перекачиванию «денег КПСС» на Запад через подставные фирмы, основанные КГБ-ФСБ, считают авторы отчета https://openrussia.org/post/view/15032/
Несмотря на предостережения Винера, через Натана Щаранского Лучанский вышел на Биби Нетаньяху:
Officials from the U.S. Congress, the State Department, and the CIA pleaded with Sharansky to sever his ties to Loutchansky. “We told Sharansky to stop taking money from Loutchansky,” says Winer. “We told him about [Loutchansky’ s] MO: bribery, influence peddling, that he was a bridge between foreign governments and traditional organized crime.” Sharansky simply refused, arguing that he needed the money to resettle the tidal wave of Russian emigres. “When we warned Sharansky,” says the congressional investigator, “to stop taking money from Loutchansky, he said, ‘But where am I going to put them,” referring to the huge influx of Russian Jewish refugees. “’How am I going to feed them? Find them jobs?”’ He figures Loutchansky is just another source of income. “Sharansky is very shrewd,” the congressional investigator continued. “He knows better. It was a cynical [decision]. He did take money. Then he asked, ‘Why shouldn’t I?’ The CIA warned him that Loutchansky was trying to buy influence through him and his party for [the] Russian Organized Crime/Russian government combine. We told Sharansky that Loutchansky is a major crook.” (Sharansky declined to comment.) Ignoring all the warnings, Sharansky introduced Loutchansky to Benjamin Netanyahu prior to Israel’s 1996 national elections. The Israeli press reported that Netanyahu received $1.5 million in campaign contributions from Loutchansky, a charge the prime minister hotly denied. “The Likud is corrupt, and Bibi [Netanyahu] is disgusting,” says Winer. “He’s had meetings with Loutchansky and Kobzon - criminals promoting their own interests.” Kobzon’s influence in Israel may exceed that of even Loutchansky and Mogilevich. “Kobzon has big [political] connections in Israel,” says Leder. Lor instance, in January 1996, Kobzon was detained upon his arrival at Israel’s Ben Gurion International Airport “because of his ties to the Russian Mafiya, ” Labor Party Knesset member Moshe Shahal said in his cramped Knesset office in Jerusalem. Shahal, at the time the country’s security minister, intended to send the mobster back to Russia, but then the phones started ringing in the chambers of high government ministries. Kobzon’s friends in Israel petitioned the minister of the interior, the minister of transportation, and Foreign Minister Shimon Peres, who finally ordered the airport police to free Kobzon and let him enter the country. Peres, who was being pressed by the Russian ambassador, told Shahal that he relented to avoid a messy incident with the Russian government. (The following year, Kobzon flew to Israel in his private jet to pickup Marat Balagula’s eldest daughter, who lives in Netanya, to bring her back to Moscow to celebrate his sixtieth birthday.)
Имя Винера встречается в книжке Роберта Фридмана "Red Mafiya: How the Russian Mob Has Invaded America".
Винер упоминает Могилевича в одном ряду с Иосифом Кобзоном и Григорием Лучанским.
“There is not a major Russian organized crime figure who we are tracking who does not also
carry an Israeli passport,” says senior State Department official Jonathan Winer. He put the number at
seventy- five, among whom are Mogilevich, Loutchansky, Rabinovich, and Kobzon.
Связи Лучанского раскрываются в докладе швейцарской контрразведки:
Можно сказать, что главным героем отчета оказался Григорий Лучанский. Основатель группы Nordex - не только криминальный авторитет, но и в конце 1980-х - начале 1990-х посредник по перекачиванию «денег КПСС» на Запад через подставные фирмы, основанные КГБ-ФСБ, считают авторы отчета
https://openrussia.org/post/view/15032/
Несмотря на предостережения Винера, через Натана Щаранского Лучанский вышел на Биби Нетаньяху:
Officials from the U.S. Congress, the State Department, and the CIA pleaded with Sharansky to sever his ties to Loutchansky. “We told Sharansky to stop taking money from Loutchansky,” says Winer. “We told him about [Loutchansky’ s] MO: bribery, influence peddling, that he was a bridge between foreign governments and traditional
organized crime.”
Sharansky simply refused, arguing that he needed the money to resettle the tidal wave of Russian emigres. “When we warned Sharansky,” says the congressional investigator, “to stop taking money from Loutchansky, he said, ‘But where am I going to put them,” referring to the huge influx of Russian Jewish refugees. “’How am I going to feed them? Find them jobs?”’ He figures Loutchansky is just another source of income.
“Sharansky is very shrewd,” the congressional investigator continued. “He knows better. It was a cynical [decision]. He did take money. Then he asked, ‘Why shouldn’t I?’ The CIA warned him that Loutchansky was trying to buy influence through him and his party for [the] Russian Organized Crime/Russian government combine. We told Sharansky that Loutchansky is a major crook.”
(Sharansky declined to comment.)
Ignoring all the warnings, Sharansky introduced Loutchansky to Benjamin Netanyahu prior to Israel’s 1996 national elections. The Israeli press reported that Netanyahu received $1.5 million in campaign contributions from Loutchansky, a charge the prime minister hotly denied. “The Likud is corrupt, and Bibi [Netanyahu] is disgusting,” says Winer. “He’s had meetings with Loutchansky and Kobzon - criminals promoting their own interests.”
Kobzon’s influence in Israel may exceed that of even Loutchansky and Mogilevich. “Kobzon has big [political] connections in Israel,” says Leder. Lor instance, in January 1996, Kobzon was detained upon his arrival at Israel’s Ben Gurion International Airport “because of his ties to the Russian Mafiya, ” Labor Party Knesset member Moshe Shahal said in his cramped Knesset office in Jerusalem. Shahal, at the time the country’s security minister, intended to send the mobster back to Russia, but then the phones started ringing in the chambers of high government ministries. Kobzon’s friends in Israel petitioned the minister of the interior, the minister of transportation, and Foreign Minister Shimon Peres, who finally ordered the airport police to free Kobzon and let him enter the country. Peres, who was being pressed by the Russian ambassador, told Shahal that he relented to avoid a messy incident with the Russian government. (The following year, Kobzon flew to Israel in his private jet to pickup Marat Balagula’s eldest daughter, who lives in Netanya, to bring her back to Moscow to celebrate his sixtieth birthday.)
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