Рейган ценил поддержку CNP, но держал их на расстоянии вытянутой руки. В своем приветственном письме съезду CNP в 1983 он писал:
"In just over two years, you have brought together in one organization most of our nation's key leaders who share the philosophy of freedom. Through the strong personal bonds which you are building among one another, you are creating a network of activists and opinion leaders almost unparalleled in our nation's history. Few groups contain so many of my close personal friends and loyal supporters. Special thanks go to your president, Tom Ellis; your vice president, Bunker Hunt; your secretary-treasurer, Bob Perry; and your executive director, Woody Jenkins, for the job they are doing. My only regret is that I am not there with you to enjoy Palm Beach and the wonderful fellowship of your meeting." https://www.reaganlibrary.gov/sites/default/files/digitallibrary/smof/publicliaison/blackwell/box-006/40_047_7006969_006_002_2017.pdf
На роль посла США в ООН Рейган выбрал демократку Джин Киркпатрик. Вместе с Энн Горсач она была самой высокопоставленной женщиной в кабинете.
С Киркпатрик Рейгана объединяло участие в неформальной организации Committee on the Present Danger, организованной в 1976 для противодействия политике разрядки с СССР по инициативе Джеймся Шлезингера, министра обороны в кабинете Никсона. Участники комиссии не поддерживали инициатив Киссинджера и считали, что вести переговоры с советскими руководителями следует с позиции силы. Многие из них позже оказались в администрации Рейгана, независимо от партийной принадлежности. Киркпатрик перейдет в республиканскую партию только в 1985, присоединившись к растущему движению неоконов.
The Committee on the Present Danger, which was formed five years ago to press for a strong posture against the Soviet Union, has placed 32 of its 182 members in the Reagan Administration thus far. Some of them helped develop the ideas that led to President Reagan's speech last week offering arms-control proposals to the Soviet Union. The best-known and most influential of the former committee members is, of course, Ronald Reagan. But alumni of the committee are sprinkled throughout the highest levels of the Government, amounting to a virtual takeover of the nation's national security apparatus. One alumnus, Richard V. Allen, is Mr. Reagan's national security adviser. Another, William J. Casey, is Director of Central Intelligence. A third, Jeane J. Kirkpatrick, is the United States representative at the United Nations. Yet another, John F. Lehman, is Secretary of the Navy. https://www.nytimes.com/1981/11/23/us/group-goes-from-exile-to-influence.html
In 1977, Mrs. Kirkpatrick was less discreet. In ''Why the New Right Lost,'' another Commentary essay included in this current book, she criticized the rightist variety of the new class on the ground that the ideological perspective in politics bred ''intolerance of diversity, impatience with compromise, and the kind of intransigence characteristic of sectarian, rule-or-ruin politics.'' In her 1979 piece ''Politics and the 'New Class,' '' when she was more concerned with the leftist variety, she went so far as to express the belief that ''politics featuring large roles for intellectuals is especially dangerous to human liberty.'' She accused intellectuals of a tendency ''to find reality wanting'' and of a ''marked proclivity for moralistic politics.'' The new class was clearly the enemy for her before she became a charter member of its neoconservative subdivision. This was her position just before Richard V. Allen, then foreignaffairs adviser to candidate Ronald Reagan, read her article in Commentary and brought it to Mr. Reagan's attention, thereby setting in motion a series of tete-a-tetes that ultimately brought her to the United Nations at the new President's express behest. It is odd to read the ominous warnings against the new class in this book by one who now belongs to it. Something apparently happened to Mrs. Kirkpatrick's viewpoint when the new class shifted its main attention from the Democratic to the Republican Party and she was given the opportunity to play a large role in politics. https://www.nytimes.com/1982/07/25/books/the-ambassadors-theories.html
Том Эллис, ближайший помощник Джесси Хелмса, стал президентом CNP после Тима Лахайя.
Он был также директором Pioneer fund - расистского фонда, который спонсировал исследования в области евгеники. Когда эти связи всплыли, это помешало Эллису занять пост в администрации Рейгана.
The Pioneer Fund, a tax‐exempt foundation incorporated in 1937 for the express purpose of research into “racial betterment,” was worth more than $2 million, according to its 1975 Internal Revenue Service return. Yet several officers of the leading geneticists' professional organization say they never heard of it, A month‐long study of the Pioneer Fund's activities by The New York Times shows it has given at least $179,000 over the last 10 years to Dr. William B. Shockley, a leading proponent of the theory that whites are inherently more intelligent than blacks. The money was paid through Stanford University, where Professor Shockley was a Nobel Prize‐winning professor of engineering science, as well as through his own personal foundation-a customary method of foundation disbursement. Another major beneficiary is Dr. Arthur R. Jensen, an educational psychologist at the University of California, whose article in 1969 theorizing that intelligence was hereditary touched off a furor over the value of compensatory education for disadvantaged black students. Dr. Travis Osborn of the University of Georgia, Dr. Frank C. J. McGurk and Dr. Audrey Shuey are other well‐known researchers ih the same area who got Pioneer grants: Two researchers known to few specialists in the genetics field, Dr. Roger Pearson and Dr, Ralph Scott, also got substantial grants, which they declined to discuss. Neither man is a geneticist. https://www.nytimes.com/1977/12/11/archives/fund-backs-controversial-study-of-racial-betterment-some-others-who.html
Эллис познакомился с Хелмсом в 1950 на избирательной кампании Уиллиса Смита и уговорил Хелмса использовать свою харизму, чтобы самому пойти в политику. Сам Эллис оставался мозгами операции.
Ellis cut his political teeth in the 1950 Senate race - one of the most infamous in Southern history. In the Democratic primary - North Carolina was then a one-party state - Sen. Frank Porter Graham, the liberal former UNC president, was defeated by Willis Smith, a conservative Raleigh corporate attorney. The Smith campaign used red baiting and race baiting to defeat Graham in an election that bitterly divided the state for a generation. Ellis was a younger researcher in the Smith campaign, digging up Graham’s connections to left-wing groups. The Smith campaign is where Ellis met Helms, then a young Raleigh newsman, who was also supporting Smith. It would begin a political partnership that would last a half century. The pair became poker-playing buddies, and Ellis began encouraging Helms - by the 1960s a well-known Raleigh TV commentator - to run for political office. For six years as the pregame steaks sizzled on the grill at a log cabin outside Raleigh, Ellis said he worked on Helms: “My pitch to him, was: ‘Jesse, we got to save the country. You can be part of that.’ ” Helms could not see himself as a statewide candidate. But Ellis thought Helms was a candidate who could do well among the conservative Democrats of Eastern North Carolina, where Republicans had traditionally lost elections. Both Ellis and Helms switched to the Republican Party in 1970. Ellis became certain of Helms’ electoral appeal when the two men lunched at the cafeteria at the downtown Hudson-Belk department store. The country women who worked the food line treated Helms like a celebrity. Ellis managed Helms’ election to the U.S. Senate in 1972, and was his key strategist for the rest of Helms’ career. In helping Helms get elected in 1972, 1978, 1984 and 1990, he played a role in defeating such Democrats as U.S. Rep. Nick Galifianakis, Insurance Commissioner John Ingram, Gov. Jim Hunt and former Charlotte Mayor Harvey Gantt. “My idea in politics is to try get somebody in who represents my views,” Ellis said, “which I think of course is the American view.” At the time, North Carolina was still influenced by old-fashioned courthouse political organizations that relied on grassroots politics and political patronage. To counter the Democratic organization, Ellis created his own machine. The Helms organization, called the National Congressional Club, was a high-tech political organization located in a suburban North Raleigh office park. The club bypassed traditional organizations by relying on TV commercials to appeal directly to voters. Many were tough comparative ads that portrayed Democratic opponents as out of touch with mainstream America. To finance the TV campaigns, Ellis turned to direct mail solicitations - made possible by new computer technology - that allowed for personal appeals to be made to tens of thousands of conservatives across the country. The National Congressional Club would send fundraising appeals warning conservatives that militant blacks, homosexuals, labor bosses, and bra-burning feminists were about to take over the country. The club raised an estimated $100 million for conservative candidates and causes before it went out of business in the mid-1990s. https://www.newsobserver.com/article214828670.html
The Congressional Club became a training ground for a generation of conservatives including Carter Wrenn, Charles Black, Alex Castellanos, Mark Stevens, Tom Fetzer, Arthur Finkelstein, Richard Viguerie and Ralph Reed. Wrenn was 23 and just out of college when a Helms staffer took him to meet Ellis. Ellis looked at him and said, “What do you know about fundraising?” “I don’t know anything,” Wrenn replied. That turned out to be the right answer and Ellis hired the young Wrenn to help run the Congressional Club. At the end of their meeting, Ellis told him what he expected. “I’ve got three rules,” Ellis said. “If you ever lie to me you’re fired. If you sweep a problem under the rug, you’re fired. And if you ever become a know-it-all you’re fired.” “Everybody gives him credit for being a political genius,” Wrenn said. “But he had a rare gift for nurturing young people. ... He had a way of getting them to believe they could conquer the world.” Fetzer was leaving Wake Forest University in the summer of 1979 when he got a gig as a bartender for a fundraising party hosted by a Raleigh Republican. At one point Ellis came up for a drink. They chatted and Ellis finally said, “I want you to come see us.” A few months later Fetzer went to work as executive assistant to Wrenn at the Congressional Club. “He was one of the towering political figures in North Carolina in the 20th century,” Fetzer said, “and did more to affect the trajectory of politics in the state and the country than just about anybody.” “Very few people who did not serve in public office or serve in high position have such a dramatic impact on their state and country.” Fetzer would go on to be Raleigh mayor, and Ellis would help get him elected. https://www.newsobserver.com/article214828670.html
Роль Болтона заключалась в помощи с отмыванием тёмных пожертвований на избирательные кампании.
As an associate at the high-powered Covington law firm, Bolton in 1978 worked with Sen. Jesse Helms and the National Congressional Club, the senator’s campaign-financing organization, to help form a new campaign finance organization called Jefferson Marketing. According to the Legal Times, Jefferson Marketing was established “as a vehicle to supply candidates with such services as advertising and direct mail without having to worry about the federal laws preventing PACs, like the Congressional Club, from contributing more than $5,000 per election to any one candidate’s campaign committee.” After its formation, Jefferson Marketing became a holding company for three firms-Campaign Management Inc., Computer Operations & Mailing Professionals, and Discount Paper Brokers. Together with another Covington attorney, Brice Clagett, Bolton later represented the National Congressional Club and Jefferson Marketing-which were treated as a single legal entity-in various lawsuits filed against it by the Federal Election Commission (FEC)-all of which led to a $10,000 fine levied by the FEC against the National Congressional Club in 1986. In 1987 the National Congressional Club reported a debt of $900,000, with its major creditors being Richard Viguerie, Charles Black, Jr., Covington and Burling, and the DC law office of Baker & Hostetler-all of which maintained good relations with the right-wing political action committee as their debts for service offered went unpaid. Jefferson Marketing was the PAC’s largest creditor, with more than $676,000 due from the National Congressional Club. By the end of the decade, FEC documents showed that Helms’ political action committee owed Covington $111,000. https://www.counterpunch.org/2005/03/14/john-bolton-s-baggage/
Другим адвокатом, который занимался тем же делом, под более непосредственным руководством Эллиса, был Томас Фарр.
Upon joining Maupin, Ellis & Taylor, Farr assumed the role of lawyer for many of Helms’ organizations, including those either bankrolled by the Pioneer Fund or, in the case of Marion Parrott, one that shared a board member. Farr’s answers to the Senate Judiciary Committee questionnaire lists his representation for the Helms for Senate Committee in 1984 and 1990 and the National Congressional Club for the same years. https://www.splcenter.org/hatewatch/2017/12/04/eugenics-voter-id-laws-thomas-farrs-connections-pioneer-fund
Трампу почти удалось назначить Фарра федеральным судьей.
Tim Scott of South Carolina, the lone black Republican senator, said on Thursday that he would oppose the judicial nomination of Thomas A. Farr, a lawyer who defended a North Carolina voter identification law and a partisan gerrymander that a federal court said was drafted to suppress black votes “with surgical precision.” Mr. Scott will join Senator Jeff Flake, Republican of Arizona, who has vowed to oppose every White House nominee unless the Senate votes on legislation to protect the special counsel, Robert S. Mueller III. With Democrats united against Mr. Farr, his nomination to a United States District Court appears doomed. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/11/29/us/politics/tim-scott-judicial-nominee-thomas-farr-race.html
68-21: Senate confirms UNC Law School Professor Richard Myers as US District Court judge for Eastern North Carolina, filling one of the longest-running vacancies on federal bench open since January 2006. Last nominee to this NC Court Thomas Farr was blocked in Senate last year. pic.twitter.com/pT154b0y3U - Craig Caplan (@CraigCaplan) December 5, 2019
Интервью с Эллисом в 2001 году (ему было тогда 81 год, он доживет до 2018).
Mr. Ellis acknowledged that he once held segregationist views, that he opposed affirmative action as ''unconstitutional and counterproductive'' and that race and media-bashing played a role in winning votes for Mr. Helms, particularly in eastern North Carolina. He has been pilloried for serving in the 1970's as a director of the Pioneer Fund, which financed research on the relationship between race and intelligence. He said it remained an open question in his mind whether one race was genetically superior. ''I have no idea,'' he said, seated beneath a portrait of Robert E. Lee. ''I've never tested it, don't know whether it's a valid argument or not. Because there is such a huge cry about the thing, you can't have a legitimate, intelligent argument about it.'' Mr. Ellis has not decided whom he might support to succeed Mr. Helms. But he said Mr. Helms's retirement from politics would not encourage his own. ''I'll do this till I die,'' he said. ''I can't think of anything more important. If we don't turn this boat around sometime, my children and my grandchildren are going to have to pay the price.'' https://www.nytimes.com/2001/08/25/us/public-lives-as-helms-exits-a-conservative-crusader-will-carry-on.html
"In just over two years, you have brought together in one organization most of our nation's key leaders who share the philosophy of freedom. Through the strong personal bonds which you are building among one another, you are creating a network of activists and opinion leaders almost unparalleled in our nation's history.
Few groups contain so many of my close personal friends and loyal supporters.
Special thanks go to your president, Tom Ellis; your vice president, Bunker Hunt; your secretary-treasurer, Bob Perry; and your executive director, Woody Jenkins, for the job they are doing. My only regret is that I am not there with you to enjoy Palm Beach and the wonderful fellowship of your meeting."
https://www.reaganlibrary.gov/sites/default/files/digitallibrary/smof/publicliaison/blackwell/box-006/40_047_7006969_006_002_2017.pdf
Итоговое письмо было более лаконичным.
Reply
На роль посла США в ООН Рейган выбрал демократку Джин Киркпатрик. Вместе с Энн Горсач она была самой высокопоставленной женщиной в кабинете.
С Киркпатрик Рейгана объединяло участие в неформальной организации Committee on the Present Danger, организованной в 1976 для противодействия политике разрядки с СССР по инициативе Джеймся Шлезингера, министра обороны в кабинете Никсона. Участники комиссии не поддерживали инициатив Киссинджера и считали, что вести переговоры с советскими руководителями следует с позиции силы. Многие из них позже оказались в администрации Рейгана, независимо от партийной принадлежности. Киркпатрик перейдет в республиканскую партию только в 1985, присоединившись к растущему движению неоконов.
The Committee on the Present Danger, which was formed five years ago to press for a strong posture against the Soviet Union, has placed 32 of its 182 members in the Reagan Administration thus far. Some of them helped develop the ideas that led to President Reagan's speech last week offering arms-control proposals to the Soviet Union.
The best-known and most influential of the former committee members is, of course, Ronald Reagan. But alumni of the committee are sprinkled throughout the highest levels of the Government, amounting to a virtual takeover of the nation's national security apparatus.
One alumnus, Richard V. Allen, is Mr. Reagan's national security adviser. Another, William J. Casey, is Director of Central Intelligence. A third, Jeane J. Kirkpatrick, is the United States representative at the United Nations. Yet another, John F. Lehman, is Secretary of the Navy.
https://www.nytimes.com/1981/11/23/us/group-goes-from-exile-to-influence.html
In 1977, Mrs. Kirkpatrick was less discreet. In ''Why the New Right Lost,'' another Commentary essay included in this current book, she criticized the rightist variety of the new class on the ground that the ideological perspective in politics bred ''intolerance of diversity, impatience with compromise, and the kind of intransigence characteristic of sectarian, rule-or-ruin politics.'' In her 1979 piece ''Politics and the 'New Class,' '' when she was more concerned with the leftist variety, she went so far as to express the belief that ''politics featuring large roles for intellectuals is especially dangerous to human liberty.'' She accused intellectuals of a tendency ''to find reality wanting'' and of a ''marked proclivity for moralistic politics.'' The new class was clearly the enemy for her before she became a charter member of its neoconservative subdivision.
This was her position just before Richard V. Allen, then foreignaffairs adviser to candidate Ronald Reagan, read her article in Commentary and brought it to Mr. Reagan's attention, thereby setting in motion a series of tete-a-tetes that ultimately brought her to the United Nations at the new President's express behest. It is odd to read the ominous warnings against the new class in this book by one who now belongs to it. Something apparently happened to Mrs. Kirkpatrick's viewpoint when the new class shifted its main attention from the Democratic to the Republican Party and she was given the opportunity to play a large role in politics.
https://www.nytimes.com/1982/07/25/books/the-ambassadors-theories.html
Reply
Он был также директором Pioneer fund - расистского фонда, который спонсировал исследования в области евгеники. Когда эти связи всплыли, это помешало Эллису занять пост в администрации Рейгана.
The Pioneer Fund, a tax‐exempt foundation incorporated in 1937 for the express purpose of research into “racial betterment,” was worth more than $2 million, according to its 1975 Internal Revenue Service return. Yet several officers of the leading geneticists' professional organization say they never heard of it, A month‐long study of the Pioneer Fund's activities by The New York Times shows it has given at least $179,000 over the last 10 years to Dr. William B. Shockley, a leading proponent of the theory that whites are inherently more intelligent than blacks.
The money was paid through Stanford University, where Professor Shockley was a Nobel Prize‐winning professor of engineering science, as well as through his own personal foundation-a customary method of foundation disbursement. Another major beneficiary is Dr. Arthur R. Jensen, an educational psychologist at the University of California, whose article in 1969 theorizing that intelligence was hereditary touched off a furor over the value of compensatory education for disadvantaged black students.
Dr. Travis Osborn of the University of Georgia, Dr. Frank C. J. McGurk and Dr. Audrey Shuey are other well‐known researchers ih the same area who got Pioneer grants:
Two researchers known to few specialists in the genetics field, Dr. Roger Pearson and Dr, Ralph Scott, also got substantial grants, which they declined to discuss. Neither man is a geneticist.
https://www.nytimes.com/1977/12/11/archives/fund-backs-controversial-study-of-racial-betterment-some-others-who.html
Reply
Эллис познакомился с Хелмсом в 1950 на избирательной кампании Уиллиса Смита и уговорил Хелмса использовать свою харизму, чтобы самому пойти в политику. Сам Эллис оставался мозгами операции.
Ellis cut his political teeth in the 1950 Senate race - one of the most infamous in Southern history. In the Democratic primary - North Carolina was then a one-party state - Sen. Frank Porter Graham, the liberal former UNC president, was defeated by Willis Smith, a conservative Raleigh corporate attorney. The Smith campaign used red baiting and race baiting to defeat Graham in an election that bitterly divided the state for a generation.
Ellis was a younger researcher in the Smith campaign, digging up Graham’s connections to left-wing groups.
The Smith campaign is where Ellis met Helms, then a young Raleigh newsman, who was also supporting Smith. It would begin a political partnership that would last a half century.
The pair became poker-playing buddies, and Ellis began encouraging Helms - by the 1960s a well-known Raleigh TV commentator - to run for political office. For six years as the pregame steaks sizzled on the grill at a log cabin outside Raleigh, Ellis said he worked on Helms: “My pitch to him, was: ‘Jesse, we got to save the country. You can be part of that.’ ”
Helms could not see himself as a statewide candidate. But Ellis thought Helms was a candidate who could do well among the conservative Democrats of Eastern North Carolina, where Republicans had traditionally lost elections.
Both Ellis and Helms switched to the Republican Party in 1970.
Ellis became certain of Helms’ electoral appeal when the two men lunched at the cafeteria at the downtown Hudson-Belk department store. The country women who worked the food line treated Helms like a celebrity.
Ellis managed Helms’ election to the U.S. Senate in 1972, and was his key strategist for the rest of Helms’ career. In helping Helms get elected in 1972, 1978, 1984 and 1990, he played a role in defeating such Democrats as U.S. Rep. Nick Galifianakis, Insurance Commissioner John Ingram, Gov. Jim Hunt and former Charlotte Mayor Harvey Gantt.
“My idea in politics is to try get somebody in who represents my views,” Ellis said, “which I think of course is the American view.”
At the time, North Carolina was still influenced by old-fashioned courthouse political organizations that relied on grassroots politics and political patronage.
To counter the Democratic organization, Ellis created his own machine. The Helms organization, called the National Congressional Club, was a high-tech political organization located in a suburban North Raleigh office park.
The club bypassed traditional organizations by relying on TV commercials to appeal directly to voters. Many were tough comparative ads that portrayed Democratic opponents as out of touch with mainstream America.
To finance the TV campaigns, Ellis turned to direct mail solicitations - made possible by new computer technology - that allowed for personal appeals to be made to tens of thousands of conservatives across the country.
The National Congressional Club would send fundraising appeals warning conservatives that militant blacks, homosexuals, labor bosses, and bra-burning feminists were about to take over the country.
The club raised an estimated $100 million for conservative candidates and causes before it went out of business in the mid-1990s.
https://www.newsobserver.com/article214828670.html
Reply
The Congressional Club became a training ground for a generation of conservatives including Carter Wrenn, Charles Black, Alex Castellanos, Mark Stevens, Tom Fetzer, Arthur Finkelstein, Richard Viguerie and Ralph Reed.
Wrenn was 23 and just out of college when a Helms staffer took him to meet Ellis. Ellis looked at him and said, “What do you know about fundraising?”
“I don’t know anything,” Wrenn replied.
That turned out to be the right answer and Ellis hired the young Wrenn to help run the Congressional Club.
At the end of their meeting, Ellis told him what he expected.
“I’ve got three rules,” Ellis said. “If you ever lie to me you’re fired. If you sweep a problem under the rug, you’re fired. And if you ever become a know-it-all you’re fired.”
“Everybody gives him credit for being a political genius,” Wrenn said. “But he had a rare gift for nurturing young people. ... He had a way of getting them to believe they could conquer the world.”
Fetzer was leaving Wake Forest University in the summer of 1979 when he got a gig as a bartender for a fundraising party hosted by a Raleigh Republican. At one point Ellis came up for a drink. They chatted and Ellis finally said, “I want you to come see us.”
A few months later Fetzer went to work as executive assistant to Wrenn at the Congressional Club.
“He was one of the towering political figures in North Carolina in the 20th century,” Fetzer said, “and did more to affect the trajectory of politics in the state and the country than just about anybody.”
“Very few people who did not serve in public office or serve in high position have such a dramatic impact on their state and country.”
Fetzer would go on to be Raleigh mayor, and Ellis would help get him elected.
https://www.newsobserver.com/article214828670.html
Reply
As an associate at the high-powered Covington law firm, Bolton in 1978 worked with Sen. Jesse Helms and the National Congressional Club, the senator’s campaign-financing organization, to help form a new campaign finance organization called Jefferson Marketing. According to the Legal Times, Jefferson Marketing was established “as a vehicle to supply candidates with such services as advertising and direct mail without having to worry about the federal laws preventing PACs, like the Congressional Club, from contributing more than $5,000 per election to any one candidate’s campaign committee.” After its formation, Jefferson Marketing became a holding company for three firms-Campaign Management Inc., Computer Operations & Mailing Professionals, and Discount Paper Brokers.
Together with another Covington attorney, Brice Clagett, Bolton later represented the National Congressional Club and Jefferson Marketing-which were treated as a single legal entity-in various lawsuits filed against it by the Federal Election Commission (FEC)-all of which led to a $10,000 fine levied by the FEC against the National Congressional Club in 1986.
In 1987 the National Congressional Club reported a debt of $900,000, with its major creditors being Richard Viguerie, Charles Black, Jr., Covington and Burling, and the DC law office of Baker & Hostetler-all of which maintained good relations with the right-wing political action committee as their debts for service offered went unpaid. Jefferson Marketing was the PAC’s largest creditor, with more than $676,000 due from the National Congressional Club. By the end of the decade, FEC documents showed that Helms’ political action committee owed Covington $111,000.
https://www.counterpunch.org/2005/03/14/john-bolton-s-baggage/
Reply
Другим адвокатом, который занимался тем же делом, под более непосредственным руководством Эллиса, был Томас Фарр.
Upon joining Maupin, Ellis & Taylor, Farr assumed the role of lawyer for many of Helms’ organizations, including those either bankrolled by the Pioneer Fund or, in the case of Marion Parrott, one that shared a board member. Farr’s answers to the Senate Judiciary Committee questionnaire lists his representation for the Helms for Senate Committee in 1984 and 1990 and the National Congressional Club for the same years.
https://www.splcenter.org/hatewatch/2017/12/04/eugenics-voter-id-laws-thomas-farrs-connections-pioneer-fund
Трампу почти удалось назначить Фарра федеральным судьей.
Tim Scott of South Carolina, the lone black Republican senator, said on Thursday that he would oppose the judicial nomination of Thomas A. Farr, a lawyer who defended a North Carolina voter identification law and a partisan gerrymander that a federal court said was drafted to suppress black votes “with surgical precision.”
Mr. Scott will join Senator Jeff Flake, Republican of Arizona, who has vowed to oppose every White House nominee unless the Senate votes on legislation to protect the special counsel, Robert S. Mueller III. With Democrats united against Mr. Farr, his nomination to a United States District Court appears doomed.
https://www.nytimes.com/2018/11/29/us/politics/tim-scott-judicial-nominee-thomas-farr-race.html
68-21: Senate confirms UNC Law School Professor Richard Myers as US District Court judge for Eastern North Carolina, filling one of the longest-running vacancies on federal bench open since January 2006. Last nominee to this NC Court Thomas Farr was blocked in Senate last year. pic.twitter.com/pT154b0y3U
- Craig Caplan (@CraigCaplan) December 5, 2019
Reply
Mr. Ellis acknowledged that he once held segregationist views, that he opposed affirmative action as ''unconstitutional and counterproductive'' and that race and media-bashing played a role in winning votes for Mr. Helms, particularly in eastern North Carolina.
He has been pilloried for serving in the 1970's as a director of the Pioneer Fund, which financed research on the relationship between race and intelligence. He said it remained an open question in his mind whether one race was genetically superior. ''I have no idea,'' he said, seated beneath a portrait of Robert E. Lee. ''I've never tested it, don't know whether it's a valid argument or not. Because there is such a huge cry about the thing, you can't have a legitimate, intelligent argument about it.''
Mr. Ellis has not decided whom he might support to succeed Mr. Helms. But he said Mr. Helms's retirement from politics would not encourage his own.
''I'll do this till I die,'' he said. ''I can't think of anything more important. If we don't turn this boat around sometime, my children and my grandchildren are going to have to pay the price.''
https://www.nytimes.com/2001/08/25/us/public-lives-as-helms-exits-a-conservative-crusader-will-carry-on.html
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