The American Liberty League
Although Franklin Roosevelt came from a wealthy family and was a rich man himself, some of his greatest opposition as President came from a group of very wealthy and privileged Americans who called themselves the "American Liberty League." This was a political organization officially formed in 1934. Its membership consisted primarily of wealthy business elites and prominent political figures, conservatives who were opposed to Roosevelt's "New Deal."
The group emphasized private property and individual liberties. It was led by Jouett Shouse. He gave the group's members this direction:
"Defend and uphold the constitution of the United States; teach the necessity of respect for the rights of persons and property as fundamental to every successful form of government; teach the duty of government to encourage and protect individual and group initiative and enterprise; foster the right to work, earn, save, and acquire property, and preserve the ownership and lawful use of property when acquired."
The creation of the League was officially announced in Washington, D.C., on August 22, 1934, by a group of Democrats and some Republicans as well. Shouse had been prominent in Democratic politics and in the anti-Prohibition movement. He became the group's first chairman. Two prominent members of the group had themselves once been Democratic Party candidates for President in the two elections prior to Roosevelt's victory in 1932: John W. Davis (candidate in 1924) and Al Smith (candidate in 1928). It also included the wealthy businessman Irénée du Pont, who had once been a Republicans before leaving the party to support Al Smith in 1928 and Roosevelt in 1932. Two New York Republicans were members of the group: Nathan L. Miller, the state's former governor, and Representative James W. Wadsworth. Another prominent member was John Jacob Raskob, a former chairman of the Democratic National Committee and a leading opponent of Prohibition, He had also once been a director of General Motors and a board member of DuPont.
Though the league billed itself as non-partisan, many were skeptical about this. Roosevelt told a press conference that the League seemed founded "to uphold two of the Ten Commandments" concerning the protection of property, but that it ignored the command to "Love thy neighbor as thyself."
The League named a National Executive Committee of 25 persons and a National Advisory Council of about 200. Those named were a geographically diverse group, but almost all came from the upper echelons of American industry. This group also inclided Hollywood movie producer Hal Roach, naval hero Richmond Pearson Hobson, Alfred P. Sloan, Jr. of General Motors and J. Howard Pew of Sun Oil Company.
League membership grew to over 36,000 in July 1935, but of these, only 27% contributed funds to the organization. Membership doubled by January 1936, peaked at 125,000 in the middle of 1936. However the lack of influence or success that the group had in the 1936 election cause its rapid decline.
The League targeted college students for membership. State universities had 345 chapters with more than 10,000 members by April 1936. New York University economist Walter Spahr gave speeches that the League reproduced in pamphlet form. But the league didn't enjoy much success with other adademics, and an attempt to organize a committee of academic economists was unsuccessful. The League produced 135 pamphlets in its first two years, and distributed many of these by mail. Half of them originated from speeches or radio addresses delivered by League officers or prominent supporters. They were distributed to newspapers, government agencies, public and college libraries, all members of Congress, and other political groups. The league also also produced two-page monthly bulletins, distributed to the same audience as the pamphlets. By the end of 1936, the League reached 1600 newspapers through the Western Newspaper Union.
The League preached an inconsistent message regarding the controversial National Recovery Administration (NRA). Jouett Shouse, the League president criticized the NRA for engaging "in unwarranted excesses of attempted regulation," but he also added that "in many regards it has served a useful purpose." The League also called Roosevelt's Agricultural Adjustment Administration "a trend toward Fascist control of agriculture." It strong opposed Social Security, which it said would "mark the end of democracy." Lawyers for the American Liberty League challenged the validity of the Wagner Act (National Labor Relations Act). The American Federation of Labor accused the League of hiring detectives to infiltrate labor unions and incite strikes and violence.
Over its six year lifespan, the League's total expenditures amounted to $1,200,000, with more than a million of that being spent just before the 1936 election. Less than two dozen bankers, industrialists, and businessmen accounted for more than half the League's donations, with the du Pont family responsible for 30% of the total. Few continued to contribute after the 1936 elections.
The League was implicated in the 1934 "Business Plot" when retired Marine Corps Major General Smedley Butler, alleged in November 1934 that a bond salesman named Gerald C. MacGuire had told him that leaders in the League wanted Butler to lead 500,000 veterans in a coup to overthrow President Franklin Roosevelt. Butler and MacGuire were not active in the League, and members of the league called the allegations nonsense. Butler was never was approached by any League official and he acknowledged that the involvement of the league was something that Maguire had told him about. Maguire, a bond salesman, had no role in the League. Maguire denied the existence of any such plot when he testified before Congress, though much of his testimony was not seen as credible. Butler would repeat his claims about the plot at subsequent speeches he gave.
In the 1936 election, Roosevelt's campaign accused the Liberty League of being an "ally of the Republican National Committee" and said that the group would "squeeze the worker dry in his old age and cast him like an orange rind into the refuse pail." The Republican campaign asked the league to keep its distance from the campaign of its candidate, Kansas Governor Alf Landon. FDR's campaign spun this by saying that the League had behaved so badly that it "had to be repudiated by the regular Republican organization."
Roosevelt won the 1936 election by a landslide and his party expanded its majorities in both houses of Congress. This seemed to be the end of any influence the League might have had. It eliminated its public activities and restricted itself to reviewing legislation and sending its assessments to members of Congress. A small national staff remained, but all state and local offices closed. The three du Pont brothers, Irénée, Lammot and Pierre, continued to finance the organization, until the 1940 Presidential Campaign when the du Ponts decided to devote their financial resources to Republican Wendell Willkie's 1940 campaign. The League closed its Washington office in September 1940.
The League never seemed to gain grassroots support among voters, likely due to its alliance with conservatives from Wall Street. It had the opposite effect of having President Roosevelt appear to voters as a man independent of traditional political alliances.
The group emphasized private property and individual liberties. It was led by Jouett Shouse. He gave the group's members this direction:
"Defend and uphold the constitution of the United States; teach the necessity of respect for the rights of persons and property as fundamental to every successful form of government; teach the duty of government to encourage and protect individual and group initiative and enterprise; foster the right to work, earn, save, and acquire property, and preserve the ownership and lawful use of property when acquired."
The creation of the League was officially announced in Washington, D.C., on August 22, 1934, by a group of Democrats and some Republicans as well. Shouse had been prominent in Democratic politics and in the anti-Prohibition movement. He became the group's first chairman. Two prominent members of the group had themselves once been Democratic Party candidates for President in the two elections prior to Roosevelt's victory in 1932: John W. Davis (candidate in 1924) and Al Smith (candidate in 1928). It also included the wealthy businessman Irénée du Pont, who had once been a Republicans before leaving the party to support Al Smith in 1928 and Roosevelt in 1932. Two New York Republicans were members of the group: Nathan L. Miller, the state's former governor, and Representative James W. Wadsworth. Another prominent member was John Jacob Raskob, a former chairman of the Democratic National Committee and a leading opponent of Prohibition, He had also once been a director of General Motors and a board member of DuPont.
Though the league billed itself as non-partisan, many were skeptical about this. Roosevelt told a press conference that the League seemed founded "to uphold two of the Ten Commandments" concerning the protection of property, but that it ignored the command to "Love thy neighbor as thyself."
The League named a National Executive Committee of 25 persons and a National Advisory Council of about 200. Those named were a geographically diverse group, but almost all came from the upper echelons of American industry. This group also inclided Hollywood movie producer Hal Roach, naval hero Richmond Pearson Hobson, Alfred P. Sloan, Jr. of General Motors and J. Howard Pew of Sun Oil Company.
League membership grew to over 36,000 in July 1935, but of these, only 27% contributed funds to the organization. Membership doubled by January 1936, peaked at 125,000 in the middle of 1936. However the lack of influence or success that the group had in the 1936 election cause its rapid decline.
The League targeted college students for membership. State universities had 345 chapters with more than 10,000 members by April 1936. New York University economist Walter Spahr gave speeches that the League reproduced in pamphlet form. But the league didn't enjoy much success with other adademics, and an attempt to organize a committee of academic economists was unsuccessful. The League produced 135 pamphlets in its first two years, and distributed many of these by mail. Half of them originated from speeches or radio addresses delivered by League officers or prominent supporters. They were distributed to newspapers, government agencies, public and college libraries, all members of Congress, and other political groups. The league also also produced two-page monthly bulletins, distributed to the same audience as the pamphlets. By the end of 1936, the League reached 1600 newspapers through the Western Newspaper Union.
The League preached an inconsistent message regarding the controversial National Recovery Administration (NRA). Jouett Shouse, the League president criticized the NRA for engaging "in unwarranted excesses of attempted regulation," but he also added that "in many regards it has served a useful purpose." The League also called Roosevelt's Agricultural Adjustment Administration "a trend toward Fascist control of agriculture." It strong opposed Social Security, which it said would "mark the end of democracy." Lawyers for the American Liberty League challenged the validity of the Wagner Act (National Labor Relations Act). The American Federation of Labor accused the League of hiring detectives to infiltrate labor unions and incite strikes and violence.
Over its six year lifespan, the League's total expenditures amounted to $1,200,000, with more than a million of that being spent just before the 1936 election. Less than two dozen bankers, industrialists, and businessmen accounted for more than half the League's donations, with the du Pont family responsible for 30% of the total. Few continued to contribute after the 1936 elections.
The League was implicated in the 1934 "Business Plot" when retired Marine Corps Major General Smedley Butler, alleged in November 1934 that a bond salesman named Gerald C. MacGuire had told him that leaders in the League wanted Butler to lead 500,000 veterans in a coup to overthrow President Franklin Roosevelt. Butler and MacGuire were not active in the League, and members of the league called the allegations nonsense. Butler was never was approached by any League official and he acknowledged that the involvement of the league was something that Maguire had told him about. Maguire, a bond salesman, had no role in the League. Maguire denied the existence of any such plot when he testified before Congress, though much of his testimony was not seen as credible. Butler would repeat his claims about the plot at subsequent speeches he gave.
In the 1936 election, Roosevelt's campaign accused the Liberty League of being an "ally of the Republican National Committee" and said that the group would "squeeze the worker dry in his old age and cast him like an orange rind into the refuse pail." The Republican campaign asked the league to keep its distance from the campaign of its candidate, Kansas Governor Alf Landon. FDR's campaign spun this by saying that the League had behaved so badly that it "had to be repudiated by the regular Republican organization."
Roosevelt won the 1936 election by a landslide and his party expanded its majorities in both houses of Congress. This seemed to be the end of any influence the League might have had. It eliminated its public activities and restricted itself to reviewing legislation and sending its assessments to members of Congress. A small national staff remained, but all state and local offices closed. The three du Pont brothers, Irénée, Lammot and Pierre, continued to finance the organization, until the 1940 Presidential Campaign when the du Ponts decided to devote their financial resources to Republican Wendell Willkie's 1940 campaign. The League closed its Washington office in September 1940.
The League never seemed to gain grassroots support among voters, likely due to its alliance with conservatives from Wall Street. It had the opposite effect of having President Roosevelt appear to voters as a man independent of traditional political alliances.