"Either Stronger B.C. or Protectorate"
Skopje Fokus in Macedonian 06 Aug 04 p 5
Commentary by Nikola Mladenov: "Either Stronger B.C. or Protectorate"
Just like it suits a banana republic, foreigners always find reasons that are good enough to encourage its "brave leaders" at times that are crucial for the people. This is also happening in the alleged Macedonian state. B.C. [Macedonian President Branko Crvenkovski] first obtained Javier Solana's [EU high representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy's] support for the disgraceful and artificial ethnic imbalance in Skopje and Struga. The internal support of various people like [US Ambassador to Macedonia] Butler now extends to the inevitable International Crisis Group (ICG). Two years ago, then led by the "legendary" Edward Joseph, the ICG took the side of the "nongovernmental" resistance against then outgoing Prime Minister Ljubco Georgievski. It supported the same resistance that embarked on a "witch hunt" throughout Macedonia with Soros' funds and promised a land of milk and honey after B.C. returned to the Macedonian Government.
Both then and now the major ICG figure in the Balkans was Nicholas Whyte. He has reduced the decentralization issue in Macedonia to Hamlet's dilemma, so he recommends that the Assembly adopt the package of devolution laws immediately. Some government members are certainly using this once again to lie to the people that once the Assembly passes the laws, the last crucial problem in the country will be solved. When beginning to analyze the latest "crisis" report, my attention was attracted by the ICG's recommendation to the "international donors" to "allocate more financial means for Macedonian economic development." What is strange about this? Nothing special, if we pretend to be stupid.
Those who have a better memory certainly remember the money that various donors pledged to us in 2001. At the "abundant" donors' lunch, Whyte's donors promised to allocate about 306 million euros for the [Ohrid] Framework Agreement. The same Whyte also published his letter to the donor countries in numerous international newspapers, advising them to be careful with the money, because "there is the danger of it ending in the hands of Georgievski's corrupt government." The naive still hoped that they would see some euros after the VMRO-DPMNE [Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization-Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity] left government. However, what about the hope that "angel" B.C. will bring concrete foreign aid by forming a coalition with [Ali] Ahmeti [chairman of the Democratic Union for Integration], and, moreover, because of all the concessions that he makes to him every day that exceeds the Framework Agreement? Thanks for asking, but less than 20 percent of the promises made have been kept, although the second anniversary of 15 September [2002 -- date of last general election] is very close.
This is very significant, because they must not think that we are idiots that accept everything that comes from the "international community" in general. Unfortunately, the problem is not so much in the lie that we will get a carrot if we rapidly -- just like rabbits -- obtain the desired result in the Assembly. The actual problem lies in the fact that all the "crisis experts" have enumerated so many other drawbacks in Macedonia that, in their view, the new municipal map is a child's play.
This is why the ICG recommends the "development and implementation of a real strategy for economic reforms and progress." After 14 years, the "crisis experts" have finally stated what we are constantly repeating. Macedonia lacks a vision for economic reforms, so it is yet to be developed under the leadership of "internationally renowned reformer" [Macedonian Prime Minister] Hari Kostov.
The ICG has also noticed the citizens' catastrophically large mistrust in the institutions of the system. Even the ICG regards them as worthless. The ICG's evaluation of the political parties and their leaders is also not any better. Otherwise, I would certainly not mention the way out in the form of a prospective replacement of the political generation. Yes, yes, they are all bloody young, beginning with B.C., [VMRO-DPMNE leader] Gruevski, up to Georgievski!
The parties' destructive role in the development of the democratic process has also been mentioned. The ICG has noted what we actually keep on saying, namely, that the parties in Macedonia do not promote democracy, but that their sole purpose is to meet their leaderships' personal ambitions.
"Only" three criticisms are sufficient for a long and strenuous work that cannot be solved with a to-be-or-not-to-be law. On the contrary, the quality of a law and the way in which is it enacted is just a prerequisite for a positive social change. However, our leaders stubbornly believe that laws actually exist to find gaps in them, so, thanks to them, they can do a "favor" to "our" people.
I am stating this because it is necessary for me to mention the poor law on the country's territorial division. Fortunately, the ICG also comprehends this. Honestly speaking, it does not oppose the proposed law, but it is not stupid enough not to emphasize the "deficit of legitimacy" that will accompany the government in the event the law is passed under the present circumstances.
This is what upsets me, I hope without a reason. What will the incumbent government look like if its minimum deficit of legitimacy is "replenished?" The ICG itself stated: "weak government, but powerful president." The latter certainly draws his power from mechanisms outside the institutions that have arisen from his incredibly long rule with the SDSM [Social Democratic Alliance of Macedonia] and the country. I wonder what the next recommendation by Whyte's friends will be when Hari and his company are prevented from entering the last Macedonian village. We can see that they are still "friendly encouraging" them to pass the package of decentralization laws as soon as possible.
I repeat that I wish that my concern was unfounded. However, I am afraid that we will have to face another "excellent" choice: either B.C. will obtain an authority for arbitrariness under the Constitution, or the option for the expansion of the protectorate of Kosovo will be reviewed. I do not think that this will happen. Will the foreigners dupe Hari? Perhaps they might, but this is not only related to him, but to the entire Macedonia. This is why I think that I am addressing the right person. Please God prove me wrong!
Commentary by Nikola Mladenov: "Either Stronger B.C. or Protectorate"
Just like it suits a banana republic, foreigners always find reasons that are good enough to encourage its "brave leaders" at times that are crucial for the people. This is also happening in the alleged Macedonian state. B.C. [Macedonian President Branko Crvenkovski] first obtained Javier Solana's [EU high representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy's] support for the disgraceful and artificial ethnic imbalance in Skopje and Struga. The internal support of various people like [US Ambassador to Macedonia] Butler now extends to the inevitable International Crisis Group (ICG). Two years ago, then led by the "legendary" Edward Joseph, the ICG took the side of the "nongovernmental" resistance against then outgoing Prime Minister Ljubco Georgievski. It supported the same resistance that embarked on a "witch hunt" throughout Macedonia with Soros' funds and promised a land of milk and honey after B.C. returned to the Macedonian Government.
Both then and now the major ICG figure in the Balkans was Nicholas Whyte. He has reduced the decentralization issue in Macedonia to Hamlet's dilemma, so he recommends that the Assembly adopt the package of devolution laws immediately. Some government members are certainly using this once again to lie to the people that once the Assembly passes the laws, the last crucial problem in the country will be solved. When beginning to analyze the latest "crisis" report, my attention was attracted by the ICG's recommendation to the "international donors" to "allocate more financial means for Macedonian economic development." What is strange about this? Nothing special, if we pretend to be stupid.
Those who have a better memory certainly remember the money that various donors pledged to us in 2001. At the "abundant" donors' lunch, Whyte's donors promised to allocate about 306 million euros for the [Ohrid] Framework Agreement. The same Whyte also published his letter to the donor countries in numerous international newspapers, advising them to be careful with the money, because "there is the danger of it ending in the hands of Georgievski's corrupt government." The naive still hoped that they would see some euros after the VMRO-DPMNE [Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization-Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity] left government. However, what about the hope that "angel" B.C. will bring concrete foreign aid by forming a coalition with [Ali] Ahmeti [chairman of the Democratic Union for Integration], and, moreover, because of all the concessions that he makes to him every day that exceeds the Framework Agreement? Thanks for asking, but less than 20 percent of the promises made have been kept, although the second anniversary of 15 September [2002 -- date of last general election] is very close.
This is very significant, because they must not think that we are idiots that accept everything that comes from the "international community" in general. Unfortunately, the problem is not so much in the lie that we will get a carrot if we rapidly -- just like rabbits -- obtain the desired result in the Assembly. The actual problem lies in the fact that all the "crisis experts" have enumerated so many other drawbacks in Macedonia that, in their view, the new municipal map is a child's play.
This is why the ICG recommends the "development and implementation of a real strategy for economic reforms and progress." After 14 years, the "crisis experts" have finally stated what we are constantly repeating. Macedonia lacks a vision for economic reforms, so it is yet to be developed under the leadership of "internationally renowned reformer" [Macedonian Prime Minister] Hari Kostov.
The ICG has also noticed the citizens' catastrophically large mistrust in the institutions of the system. Even the ICG regards them as worthless. The ICG's evaluation of the political parties and their leaders is also not any better. Otherwise, I would certainly not mention the way out in the form of a prospective replacement of the political generation. Yes, yes, they are all bloody young, beginning with B.C., [VMRO-DPMNE leader] Gruevski, up to Georgievski!
The parties' destructive role in the development of the democratic process has also been mentioned. The ICG has noted what we actually keep on saying, namely, that the parties in Macedonia do not promote democracy, but that their sole purpose is to meet their leaderships' personal ambitions.
"Only" three criticisms are sufficient for a long and strenuous work that cannot be solved with a to-be-or-not-to-be law. On the contrary, the quality of a law and the way in which is it enacted is just a prerequisite for a positive social change. However, our leaders stubbornly believe that laws actually exist to find gaps in them, so, thanks to them, they can do a "favor" to "our" people.
I am stating this because it is necessary for me to mention the poor law on the country's territorial division. Fortunately, the ICG also comprehends this. Honestly speaking, it does not oppose the proposed law, but it is not stupid enough not to emphasize the "deficit of legitimacy" that will accompany the government in the event the law is passed under the present circumstances.
This is what upsets me, I hope without a reason. What will the incumbent government look like if its minimum deficit of legitimacy is "replenished?" The ICG itself stated: "weak government, but powerful president." The latter certainly draws his power from mechanisms outside the institutions that have arisen from his incredibly long rule with the SDSM [Social Democratic Alliance of Macedonia] and the country. I wonder what the next recommendation by Whyte's friends will be when Hari and his company are prevented from entering the last Macedonian village. We can see that they are still "friendly encouraging" them to pass the package of decentralization laws as soon as possible.
I repeat that I wish that my concern was unfounded. However, I am afraid that we will have to face another "excellent" choice: either B.C. will obtain an authority for arbitrariness under the Constitution, or the option for the expansion of the protectorate of Kosovo will be reviewed. I do not think that this will happen. Will the foreigners dupe Hari? Perhaps they might, but this is not only related to him, but to the entire Macedonia. This is why I think that I am addressing the right person. Please God prove me wrong!