The Zionist and the Zealot | The Spectator
http://www.spectator.co.uk/arts-and-culture/night-and-day/7053588/the-zionist-and-the-zealot.thtml
If anyone wants to attempt an understanding of any conflict they should study history. And if anyone wishes to understand the roots of the problems in the Middle East, and in particular Israel and Palestine, they should read Geoffrey Lewis’s beautifully researched and scholarly Balfour & Weizmann: The Zionist, The Zealot and the Emergence of Israel.
Arthur Balfour, Prime Minister, Foreign Secretary and midwife of the Balfour Declaration was the Zionist, while Chaim Weizmann, a distinguished chemist whose efforts help shorten World War II, was the Zealot and its father.
For its time, 2nd November 1917, the declaration is quite remarkable:
‘His Majesty’s Government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a National home for the Jewish people, and will use their best endeavours to facilitate the achievement of this object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country.’
Despite this being Balfour’s dream, like so many evangelicals going back to the Puritans, that the Israelites should reclaim their ancient homeland of Palestine, the view of HMG was far less sentimental. The Ottoman Empire was being carved up by Old Europe and Tsarist Russia and the prospect of Jews controlling Palestine gave Great Britain an important strategic advantage.
Geoffrey Lewis plots Britain’s long, and sometimes quite barmy, attempts to relocate the Jews to their homeland with great skill and knowledge. In 1840, Palmerton’s stepson-in-law, Lord Ashley, ‘an evangelical of demonic energy’, propounded the establishment of an Anglican bishopric in Jerusalem, an idea favoured by the old boy. There was only one slight drawback. ‘Ashley’s scheme had one of its main purposes the conversion of the Jews once they had regained their inheritance.’ It didn’t seem to occur to them that the Jews would not be over the moon at having to ditch thousands of years of theology, the cement that bound them together as a race.
Joseph Chamberlain also had a cunning plan for a Jewish Homeland. He suggested to the great Zionist thinker Herzl in 1903 that the East African Protectorate (later to become Kenya) would fit the bill. Amazingly, this was given serious consideration by all sides. Not surprisingly, this little gem bit the dust.
The fascinating narrative about his book is the tireless efforts of Weizmann to bring a highly prejudiced British establishment on the right tracks and to attempt to keep a squabbling Zionist movement onside. Balfour was a privileged, detached figure whom, according to Churchill, ‘glided on the surface of life’. Lloyd George said, ‘when he is gone there will be nothing left but the scent of a handkerchief’. Robert Cecil (Later the Marquis of Salisbury) was his uncle and great patron. Hence the expression, ‘Bob’s your uncle’.
Weizmann had an instinctive gift for diplomacy: ‘His exposition was lucid and compelling and his charm of manner captivated those whom he wishes to seduce, especially British statesman. He knew what the other man most wanted to hear, but he would not flatter’.
These two men with very different backgrounds and skills became firm friends and committed to a Jewish homeland in Palestine. The trouble was that nobody paid too much attention to what the 800,000 or so Arabs who lived their thought about it all.
In this review, I have only been able to skim the surface of this excellent and academic work. I cannot commend it more highly.
JERRY HAYES
If anyone wants to attempt an understanding of any conflict they should study history. And if anyone wishes to understand the roots of the problems in the Middle East, and in particular Israel and Palestine, they should read Geoffrey Lewis’s beautifully researched and scholarly Balfour & Weizmann: The Zionist, The Zealot and the Emergence of Israel.
Arthur Balfour, Prime Minister, Foreign Secretary and midwife of the Balfour Declaration was the Zionist, while Chaim Weizmann, a distinguished chemist whose efforts help shorten World War II, was the Zealot and its father.
For its time, 2nd November 1917, the declaration is quite remarkable:
‘His Majesty’s Government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a National home for the Jewish people, and will use their best endeavours to facilitate the achievement of this object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country.’
Despite this being Balfour’s dream, like so many evangelicals going back to the Puritans, that the Israelites should reclaim their ancient homeland of Palestine, the view of HMG was far less sentimental. The Ottoman Empire was being carved up by Old Europe and Tsarist Russia and the prospect of Jews controlling Palestine gave Great Britain an important strategic advantage.
Geoffrey Lewis plots Britain’s long, and sometimes quite barmy, attempts to relocate the Jews to their homeland with great skill and knowledge. In 1840, Palmerton’s stepson-in-law, Lord Ashley, ‘an evangelical of demonic energy’, propounded the establishment of an Anglican bishopric in Jerusalem, an idea favoured by the old boy. There was only one slight drawback. ‘Ashley’s scheme had one of its main purposes the conversion of the Jews once they had regained their inheritance.’ It didn’t seem to occur to them that the Jews would not be over the moon at having to ditch thousands of years of theology, the cement that bound them together as a race.
Joseph Chamberlain also had a cunning plan for a Jewish Homeland. He suggested to the great Zionist thinker Herzl in 1903 that the East African Protectorate (later to become Kenya) would fit the bill. Amazingly, this was given serious consideration by all sides. Not surprisingly, this little gem bit the dust.
The fascinating narrative about his book is the tireless efforts of Weizmann to bring a highly prejudiced British establishment on the right tracks and to attempt to keep a squabbling Zionist movement onside. Balfour was a privileged, detached figure whom, according to Churchill, ‘glided on the surface of life’. Lloyd George said, ‘when he is gone there will be nothing left but the scent of a handkerchief’. Robert Cecil (Later the Marquis of Salisbury) was his uncle and great patron. Hence the expression, ‘Bob’s your uncle’.
Weizmann had an instinctive gift for diplomacy: ‘His exposition was lucid and compelling and his charm of manner captivated those whom he wishes to seduce, especially British statesman. He knew what the other man most wanted to hear, but he would not flatter’.
These two men with very different backgrounds and skills became firm friends and committed to a Jewish homeland in Palestine. The trouble was that nobody paid too much attention to what the 800,000 or so Arabs who lived their thought about it all.
In this review, I have only been able to skim the surface of this excellent and academic work. I cannot commend it more highly.
JERRY HAYES