Екатеринбург. Срыватели красных баннеров А.Н. Ивачева остались без ночного улова
После серии десятков сорванных баннеров кандидата в губернаторы Александра Ивачева, было принято решение использовать более надежное крепление и другой материал плаката. Новые баннеры злопыхателям оказались «не по зубам», и после ряда неудачных попыток содрать бумагу под светом полной луны горе-разбойники решили напакостить по-особенному. Они притащили четыре больших куска белой подложки от плёнки и заклеили ими баннер, используя чёрную краску. Дополнительно к статье: Фотогалерея Материалы по теме
Для понимания читателей - ширина конструкции 6 метров, и расположена она на уровне 2 -3 этажа. Это значит, чтобы провернуть то, что вы видите на фото, нужно несколько раз переставить лестницу, залезть, слезть и произвести все необходимые манипуляции на высоте без страховки. Довольно трудоемкое занятие.
Аналогичные решения злоумышленники реализовали еще с несколькими баннерами. По всей видимости, они имеют целый стратегический центр, который работает в ежедневном режиме и оперативно координирует действия «неравнодушных» к местам агитации Ивачёва.
Кто финансирует этих великих стратегов и тактиков нашего времени, которые принципиально удаляют только политрекламу Александра Ивачёва? Остаётся лишь догадываться. А вот екатеринбуржцы все больше замечают, что агитпродукция других кандидатов в губернаторы не страдает, и это наводит их на правильные мысли.
С другой стороны, мы допускаем, что ночью орудуют настоящие и преданные поклонники Александра Николаевича, которые просто коллекционируют продукцию с его фотографиями. Поэтому если вы вдруг увидите у соседей обои размером 6 на 3 метра с изображением Ивачёва, вы знаете, куда нужно обратиться.
Commentary: Ukraine’s neo-Nazi problem By Josh Cohen, Commentary
11 MIN READ
As Ukraine’s struggle against Russia and its proxies continues, Kiev must also contend with a growing problem behind the front lines: far-right vigilantes who are willing to use intimidation and even violence to advance their agendas, and who often do so with the tacit approval of law enforcement agencies.A January 28 demonstration, in Kiev, by 600 members of the so-called “National Militia,” a newly-formed ultranationalist group that vows “to use force to establish order,” illustrates this threat. While the group’s Kiev launch was peaceful, National Militia members in balaclavas stormed a city council meeting in the central Ukrainian town of Cherkasy the following day, skirmishing with deputies and forcing them to pass a new budget.
Many of the National Militia's members come from the Azov movement, one of the 30-odd privately-funded “volunteer battalions” that, in the early days of the war, helped the regular army to defend Ukrainian territory against Russia's separatist proxies. Although Azov uses Nazi-era symbolism and recruits neo-Nazis into its ranks, a recent article in Foreign Affairs downplayed any risks the group might pose, pointing out that, like other volunteer militias, Azov has been “reined in” through its integration into Ukraine’s armed forces. While it’s true that private militias no longer rule the battlefront, it’s the home front that Kiev needs to worry about now.
When Russian President Vladimir Putin’s seizure of Crimea four years ago first exposed the decrepit condition of Ukraine’s armed forces, right-wing militias such as Azov and Right Sector stepped into the breach, fending off the Russian-backed separatists while Ukraine’s regular military regrouped. Though, as a result, many Ukrainians continue to regard the militias with gratitude and admiration, the more extreme among these groups promote an intolerant and illiberal ideology that will endanger Ukraine in the long term. Since the Crimean crisis, the militias have been formally integrated into Ukraine’s armed forces, but some have resisted full integration: Azov, for example, runs its own children’s training camp, and the careers section instructs recruits who wish to transfer to Azov from a regular military unit. According to Freedom House’s Ukraine project director Matthew Schaaf, “numerous organized radical right-wing groups exist in Ukraine, and while the volunteer battalions may have been officially integrated into state structures, some of them have since spun off political and non-profit structures to implement their vision.” Schaaf noted that “an increase in patriotic discourse supporting Ukraine in its conflict with Russia has coincided with an apparent increase in both public hate speech, sometimes by public officials and magnified by the media, as well as violence towards vulnerable groups such as the LGBT community,” an observation that is supported by a recent Council of Europe study. In recent months, Ukraine has experienced a wave of unchecked vigilantism. Institute Respublica, a local pro-democracy NGO, reported that activists are frequently harassed by vigilantes when holding legal meetings or rallies related to politically-controversial positions, such as the promotion of LGBT rights or opposition to the war. Azov and other militias have attacked anti-fascist demonstrations, city council meetings, media outlets, art exhibitions, foreign students and Roma. Progressive activists describe a new climate of fear that they say has been intensifying ever since last year's near-fatal stabbing of anti-war activist Stas Serhiyenko, which is believed to have been perpetrated by an extremist group named C14 (the name refers to a 14-word slogan popular among white supremacists). Brutal attacks this month on International Women’s Day marches in several Ukrainian cities prompted an unusually forceful statement from Amnesty International, which warned that "the Ukrainian state is rapidly losing its monopoly on violence.”
После серии десятков сорванных баннеров кандидата в губернаторы Александра Ивачева, было принято решение использовать более надежное крепление и другой материал плаката. Новые баннеры злопыхателям оказались «не по зубам», и после ряда неудачных попыток содрать бумагу под светом полной луны горе-разбойники решили напакостить по-особенному. Они притащили четыре больших куска белой подложки от плёнки и заклеили ими баннер, используя чёрную краску.
Дополнительно к статье: Фотогалерея Материалы по теме
Пресс-служба Свердловского обкома КПРФ
2022-08-12 16:50
Для понимания читателей - ширина конструкции 6 метров, и расположена она на уровне 2 -3 этажа. Это значит, чтобы провернуть то, что вы видите на фото, нужно несколько раз переставить лестницу, залезть, слезть и произвести все необходимые манипуляции на высоте без страховки. Довольно трудоемкое занятие.
Аналогичные решения злоумышленники реализовали еще с несколькими баннерами. По всей видимости, они имеют целый стратегический центр, который работает в ежедневном режиме и оперативно координирует действия «неравнодушных» к местам агитации Ивачёва.
Кто финансирует этих великих стратегов и тактиков нашего времени, которые принципиально удаляют только политрекламу Александра Ивачёва? Остаётся лишь догадываться. А вот екатеринбуржцы все больше замечают, что агитпродукция других кандидатов в губернаторы не страдает, и это наводит их на правильные мысли.
С другой стороны, мы допускаем, что ночью орудуют настоящие и преданные поклонники Александра Николаевича, которые просто коллекционируют продукцию с его фотографиями. Поэтому если вы вдруг увидите у соседей обои размером 6 на 3 метра с изображением Ивачёва, вы знаете, куда нужно обратиться.
Reply
By Josh Cohen, Commentary
11 MIN READ
As Ukraine’s struggle against Russia and its proxies continues, Kiev must also contend with a growing problem behind the front lines: far-right vigilantes who are willing to use intimidation and even violence to advance their agendas, and who often do so with the tacit approval of law enforcement agencies.A January 28 demonstration, in Kiev, by 600 members of the so-called “National Militia,” a newly-formed ultranationalist group that vows “to use force to establish order,” illustrates this threat. While the group’s Kiev launch was peaceful, National Militia members in balaclavas stormed a city council meeting in the central Ukrainian town of Cherkasy the following day, skirmishing with deputies and forcing them to pass a new budget.
Many of the National Militia's members come from the Azov movement, one of the 30-odd privately-funded “volunteer battalions” that, in the early days of the war, helped the regular army to defend Ukrainian territory against Russia's separatist proxies. Although Azov uses Nazi-era symbolism and recruits neo-Nazis into its ranks, a recent article in Foreign Affairs downplayed any risks the group might pose, pointing out that, like other volunteer militias, Azov has been “reined in” through its integration into Ukraine’s armed forces. While it’s true that private militias no longer rule the battlefront, it’s the home front that Kiev needs to worry about now.
When Russian President Vladimir Putin’s seizure of Crimea four years ago first exposed the decrepit condition of Ukraine’s armed forces, right-wing militias such as Azov and Right Sector stepped into the breach, fending off the Russian-backed separatists while Ukraine’s regular military regrouped. Though, as a result, many Ukrainians continue to regard the militias with gratitude and admiration, the more extreme among these groups promote an intolerant and illiberal ideology that will endanger Ukraine in the long term. Since the Crimean crisis, the militias have been formally integrated into Ukraine’s armed forces, but some have resisted full integration: Azov, for example, runs its own children’s training camp, and the careers section instructs recruits who wish to transfer to Azov from a regular military unit.
According to Freedom House’s Ukraine project director Matthew Schaaf, “numerous organized radical right-wing groups exist in Ukraine, and while the volunteer battalions may have been officially integrated into state structures, some of them have since spun off political and non-profit structures to implement their vision.” Schaaf noted that “an increase in patriotic discourse supporting Ukraine in its conflict with Russia has coincided with an apparent increase in both public hate speech, sometimes by public officials and magnified by the media, as well as violence towards vulnerable groups such as the LGBT community,” an observation that is supported by a recent Council of Europe study.
In recent months, Ukraine has experienced a wave of unchecked vigilantism. Institute Respublica, a local pro-democracy NGO, reported that activists are frequently harassed by vigilantes when holding legal meetings or rallies related to politically-controversial positions, such as the promotion of LGBT rights or opposition to the war. Azov and other militias have attacked anti-fascist demonstrations, city council meetings, media outlets, art exhibitions, foreign students and Roma. Progressive activists describe a new climate of fear that they say has been intensifying ever since last year's near-fatal stabbing of anti-war activist Stas Serhiyenko, which is believed to have been perpetrated by an extremist group named C14 (the name refers to a 14-word slogan popular among white supremacists). Brutal attacks this month on International Women’s Day marches in several Ukrainian cities prompted an unusually forceful statement from Amnesty International, which warned that "the Ukrainian state is rapidly losing its monopoly on violence.”
Reply
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