Не Хрущев ли основал 'правозащитное движение'?kabudSeptember 28 2012, 16:15:14 UTC
Из книги "Мы вас похороним" (pdf- http://bit.ly/PKPfMz ; text- http://bit.ly/R05Nzu) Яна Сейны, в прошлом председателя совета безопасности Чехословакии до 1968, перешедшего на сторону США.
Речь Хрущева на 10м сьезде компартии Чехословакии июнь 1954
On the third afternoon the Congress suddenly came to life. First Secretary Novotny stepped forward to tell us that Khrushchev had asked permission to make a private speech. We were electrified.
Nobody had ever given a private speech before, and the idea of a Russian of Khrushchev’s standing actually asking our permission to do anything was unprecedented. However, the hall was cleared, and we went into private session.
It was plain that Khrushchev had not prepared a draft. He spoke from a sheaf of notes, to which he referred only occasionally.
‘Comrades and fellow delegates,’ he began in a loud, decisive voice, ‘I am disappointed in this Congress. In the tone and content of the speeches up to now I find a wholly negative quality. I find them devoid of serious content and lacking in any sense of reality, especially in their attitude towards the Capitalist countries.’
Having dropped this bombshell he went on to let fall another. ‘We must change our relationships with the West. The Socialist camp must have the chance of benefiting from the technical and industrial progress of Capitalism. This is an essential step towards the achievement of Socialism. Do not be blinded by ideology.
‘Socialist ideas,’ he added in a passage I have never forgotten, ‘can only triumph when the peoples of Eastern Europe eat like the delegates at this Congress. Love of Communism passes through the stomach.’
He urged all the Communist countries to mobilize their technical and scientific cadres.
‘Never mind whether or not they’re good Marxists!’ he shouted.
‘We must give science a free hand to absorb as much as possible from the West.
Any of you who despises or damns Capitalist engineering as a “bourgeois invention” is an idiot.
It doesn’t matter where the machine was made, only how it is used.
For the last three days you’ve been claiming that Communist technology is the best.
Well, you’ve been lying;
Western technology is superior in most respects, and it’s our duty as Communists to exploit it. For example, the Americans have the best combine harvesters in the world. Right, then let’s buy them, and if they’re coloured green we’ll paint them red and make them work for Communism.’
All this was like a gust of fresh air after the turgid nonsense we had heard from the other delegates. Finally, in a welcome reference to our own economic problems, he concluded:
‘Workers and management must both be given more responsibility; only in this way can you encourage productivity. You simply must improve living standards!
Everyone must have a stake in growth improvement. It is the duty of the Party to understand this new idea, and to promote it. You must open the door to let in fresh winds, and you must see that they blow first of all through the Party.’
The speech was frequently interrupted by applause, and we gave Khrushchev a standing ovation at the end...I was naturally anxious to meet this unusual Party leader, and joined a group that had gathered round him during a coffee break.
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Речь Хрущева на 10м сьезде компартии Чехословакии июнь 1954
On the third afternoon the Congress suddenly came to life. First Secretary Novotny stepped forward to tell us that Khrushchev had asked permission to make a private speech. We were electrified.
Nobody had ever given a private speech before, and the idea of a Russian of Khrushchev’s standing actually asking our permission to do anything was unprecedented. However, the hall was cleared, and we went into private session.
It was plain that Khrushchev had not prepared a draft. He spoke from a sheaf of notes, to which he referred only occasionally.
‘Comrades and fellow delegates,’ he began in a loud, decisive voice,
‘I am disappointed in this Congress. In the tone and content of the speeches up to now I find a wholly negative quality. I find them devoid of serious content and lacking in any sense of reality, especially in their attitude towards the Capitalist countries.’
Having dropped this bombshell he went on to let fall another. ‘We must change our relationships with the West. The Socialist camp must have the chance of benefiting from the technical and industrial progress of Capitalism. This is an essential step towards the achievement of Socialism. Do not be blinded by ideology.
‘Socialist ideas,’ he added in a passage I have never forgotten, ‘can only triumph when the peoples of Eastern Europe eat like the delegates at this Congress. Love of Communism passes through the stomach.’
He urged all the Communist countries to mobilize their technical and scientific cadres.
‘Never mind whether or not they’re good Marxists!’ he shouted.
‘We must give science a free hand to absorb as much as possible from the West.
Any of you who despises or damns Capitalist engineering as a “bourgeois invention” is an idiot.
It doesn’t matter where the machine was made, only how it is used.
For the last three days you’ve been claiming that Communist technology is the best.
Well, you’ve been lying;
Western technology is superior in most respects, and it’s our duty as Communists to exploit it. For example, the Americans have the best combine harvesters in the world. Right, then let’s buy them, and if they’re coloured green we’ll paint them red and make them work for Communism.’
All this was like a gust of fresh air after the turgid nonsense we had heard from the other delegates. Finally, in a welcome reference to our own economic problems, he concluded:
‘Workers and management must both be given more responsibility; only in this way can you encourage productivity. You simply must improve living standards!
Everyone must have a stake in growth improvement. It is the duty of the Party to understand this new idea, and to promote it. You must open the door to let in fresh winds, and you must see that they blow first of all through the Party.’
The speech was frequently interrupted by applause, and we gave Khrushchev a standing ovation at the end...I was naturally anxious to meet this unusual Party leader, and joined a group that had gathered round him during a coffee break.
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